Sunday, July 11, 2021

Binocular rivalry (a phenomenon of visual perception in which perception alternates between different images presented to each eye): Attractive faces dominated longer time & were more often seen as the first percept

Shang J., Yang H. (2021) The Impact of Facial Attractiveness and Affective Person Knowledge on Visual Awareness. In: Kurosu M. (eds) Human-Computer Interaction. Theory, Methods and Tools. HCII 2021. Lecture Notes in Computer Science, vol 12762. Springer, Cham. July 3 2021. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78462-1_33

Abstract: Previous research reported face perception in binocular rivalry was influenced by facial attractiveness. Some studies reported that affective person knowledge may also impact face awareness in binocular rivalry. However, it is unclear whether the effect of facial attractiveness on visual awareness would be modulated by affective person knowledge. The present study investigated the impact of facial attractiveness and affective person knowledge on visual awareness in binocular rivalry. Using affective learning paradigm, faces were presented with positive or negative behavior. Participants learned face-behavior pairs. Then, in binocular rivalry task, participants viewed faces and houses simultaneously and report their percept continuously. The results showed that attractive faces dominated longer time and were more often seen as the first percept than unattractive faces. Moreover, faces which were paired with negative behaviors were more often seen as the first percept and were suppressed for shorter time than faces paired with positive behaviors. These findings suggested the processing advantage of attractive faces in initial perceptual selection and later consciousness. Furthermore, faces associated with negative information reached awareness more quickly and had an advantage in initial dominance.

Keywords: Facial attractiveness Affective learning Binocular rivalry Awareness 


Saturday, July 10, 2021

From the Natural Selection of Bad Science to the Intelligent Design of Better Science

Practical Methodological Reform Needs Good Theory. Will M.  Gervais. Perspectives on Psychological Science, January 29, 2021. https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691620977471

Abstract: In the face of unreplicable results, statistical anomalies, and outright fraud, introspection and changes in the psychological sciences have taken root. Vibrant reform and metascience movements have emerged. These are exciting developments and may point toward practical improvements in the future. Yet there is nothing so practical as good theory. This article outlines aspects of reform and metascience in psychology that are ripe for an injection of theory, including a lot of excellent and overlooked theoretical work from different disciplines. I review established frameworks that model the process of scientific discovery, the types of scientific networks that we ought to aspire to, and the processes by which problematic norms and institutions might evolve, focusing especially on modeling from the philosophy of science and cultural evolution. We have unwittingly evolved a toxic scientific ecosystem; existing interdisciplinary theory may help us intelligently design a better one.

Keywords: metascience, methods reform, philosophy of science, cultural evolution, modeling, norms, diversity and inclusion, theory

We’re all making it up as we go along, to the best of our ability, hoping not to make a mess of everything. Under the circumstances, I think a little modesty in our scientific and statistical claims would be in order, no?

— Danielle Navarro (2019, p. 11)

Our current scientific ecosystem is unhealthy. Cheap, low-effort, unreliable science can spread at the expense of slower, more reliable work (Bakker et al., 2012Gervais et al., 2015Smaldino & McElreath, 2016). Fortunately, we have the opportunity to clean up the mess we’ve evolved.

We are an evolved species, genetically and culturally. But we also have the intelligence to guide the evolution of our cultures. An understanding of evolutionary forces can shed light on how societal ills are maintained, inside (Smaldino & McElreath, 2016) and outside (O’Connor, 2019b) of science. But knowledge is power! Once we understand the forces that created problems, solutions might be more possible. Guided cultural evolution can be practiced at various levels of social organization (Atkins et al., 2019Bicchieri, 2016Wilson, 2011) and is well worth attempting in science (O’Connor, 2019aSmaldino, 2019Stewart & Plotkin, 2020).

A vibrant methods reform and metascience community has sprung up in psychology. We seek to reshape the scientific ecology that we have (likely unwittingly) allowed to evolve, an ecosystem in which the factors driving individual success erode the collective enterprise of science. Our metascience and reform movement is characterized by lofty goals and a tireless passion for science. I argue that it can maximize its odds of success by drawing on all available theoretical tools, especially turning to tools that have originated and fermented in areas adjacent to psychology, including philosophy of science and cultural evolution.

Given the cultural evolutionary forces that drive the spread of substandard science (Smaldino & McElreath, 2016), it only makes sense to turn to core evolutionary principles to turn the tide and intentionally evolve or design a better scientific ecosystem. This endeavor, ultimately, is a project of guided cultural evolution (Atkins et al., 2019Bicchieri, 2016Wilson, 2011). So let us turn to the best available theories to sharpen our metascientific projects, tune our scientific aspirations, and change the norms and institutions we have inherited.

Theory gives us a clue how to proceed. Theory can spur the evolution of better science in domains in which technical, methodological, and statistical tweaks will likely prove insufficient (O’Connor & Weatherall, 2020Smaldino, 2019Stewart & Plotkin, 2020Szollosi et al., 2019van Rooij, 2019). Theory can help us choose and interpret replication projects (Field et al., 2019). It can help us hone our statistical intuitions about what replication rates are or ought to be. Theory can help us set goals for reform of the field to maximize the scientific desiderata we most value (Devezer et al., 2019). It can make our forensic assays of the field more efficient and meaningful (Field et al., 2019). Theory can even give us hints as to what cues we may (even inadvertently) be sending observers, perhaps undermining the types of communities most likely to actually solve the practical challenges science faces today (O’Connor, 2019aO’Connor & Weatherall, 2018Zollman, 2010).

We have passively evolved a toxic scientific ecosystem. Perhaps by embracing relevant theory, including work from outside psychology, we can intelligently design a healthier one for future generations of scientists.

Dating is widely thought of as a test phase for romantic relationships, during which new romantic partners carefully evaluate each other for long-term fit; but we are not that choosy

We’re Not That Choosy: Emerging Evidence of a Progression Bias in Romantic Relationships. Samantha Joel, Geoff MacDonald. Personality and Social Psychology Review, July 10, 2021. https://doi.org/10.1177/10888683211025860

Abstract: Dating is widely thought of as a test phase for romantic relationships, during which new romantic partners carefully evaluate each other for long-term fit. However, this cultural narrative assumes that people are well equipped to reject poorly suited partners. In this article, we argue that humans are biased toward pro-relationship decisions—decisions that favor the initiation, advancement, and maintenance of romantic relationships. We first review evidence for a progression bias in the context of relationship initiation, investment, and breakup decisions. We next consider possible theoretical underpinnings—both evolutionary and cultural—that may explain why getting into a relationship is often easier than getting out of one, and why being in a less desirable relationship is often preferred over being in no relationship at all. We discuss potential boundary conditions that the phenomenon may have, as well as its implications for existing theoretical models of mate selection and relationship development.


Consider the very specific chain of events that must occur for a marriage to form in contemporary Western cultures. First, one of the partners must choose to pursue the other partner romantically. Any fears of being rejected that this person may have—as potent as rejection concerns are (e.g., G. MacDonald & Leary, 2005)—must be overcome. If one person does not initially experience much physical attraction, passion, or sexual satisfaction with their partner, they must choose to overlook that concern, perhaps with the belief that such feelings will develop over time (Maxwell et al., 2017). If either partner encounters red flags or “dealbreakers” regarding their partner (e.g., Jonason et al., 2015), those too must be overlooked in favor of the partner’s positive qualities. Over time, both partners must mutually and continuously choose to invest in that particular relationship. A long and specific series of decisions is typically made, such as introducing the partner to friends and family, spending the night together, agreeing to become exclusive, planning future activities together, and eventually moving in together and/or getting engaged (Eastwick et al., 2018). Finally, in the face of every relationship setback—every relationship-straining event that life may throw at the couple (e.g., Neff & Broady, 2011)—both partners must choose to persevere rather than break up.

At every fork in the road—in the context of every relationship turning point—both partners must consistently make pro-relationship decisions. If each of these decisions was made at random—if every time a person faced a difficult decision about a romantic relationship, they resolved their dilemma on the basis of a coin toss—few relationships would ever begin, and the chances of any relationship making it through the first year would be incredibly small. And yet, approximately 80% of Americans above the age of 25 have been married at some point (Wang & Parker, 2014), and 48% of Americans above 25 are currently married (P. Taylor, 2010). What are the mechanisms that lead people to make such a specific series of life decisions, so commonly?

We propose that so many romantic relationships are able to form and endure because humans have a bias toward pro-relationship decisions—decisions that serve to initiate, advance, and maintain romantic relationships—and against decisions that result in rejecting partners or forgoing romantic opportunities. In this article, we will use the term progression bias to refer to this general tendency to make decisions that move romantic relationships toward commitment (e.g., pursuing potential partners, agreeing to dates, and investing time and resources into the relationship) rather than dissolution (e.g., rejecting or breaking up with suitors). This phenomenon is likely underpinned by a broad collection of biological, social, cognitive, and affective mechanisms. Feelings of infatuation motivate people to spend time with prospective partners (e.g., Aron & Aron, 1991Eastwick & Finkel, 2008Hazan & Diamond, 2000), and reward pathways activate in response to new partners (e.g., Acevedo & Aron, 2014Aron et al., 2005Bartels & Zeki, 20002004Burkett & Young, 2012). In Western contexts, people experience social pressure to enter romantic relationships (Day et al., 2011DePaulo & Morris, 2005). Fears of long-term singlehood are common (Spielmann, MacDonald et al., 2013), and unpartnered people are subjected to stigma (e.g., Conley & Collins, 2002Greitemeyer, 2009Hertel et al., 2007Morris et al., 2007). Even when a romantic partner or potential partner is undesired, rejecting them is difficult to do. Would-be rejectors often experience guilt (Baumeister et al., 1993Bohns & DeVincent, 2019Perilloux & Buss, 2008) and concerns about hurting the suitor’s feelings (Joel et al., 2014). In many non-Western contexts, it is common for people’s self-selection into long-term relationships to be relatively limited, instead committing themselves to the partners chosen with strong influence from their parents or other family members (Apostolou, 2007Buunk et al., 2010Walker et al., 2011Zaidi & Shuraydi, 2002).

The progression bias runs counter to two common claims within established theoretical models within relationship science. First, it qualifies the field’s current emphasis on the inhibiting role of rejection in relationship decisions (e.g., Bredow et al., 2008Murray et al., 2006Shanteau & Nagy, 1979). Existing theoretical models of relationship initiation and development (in Western contexts) suggest that people make pro-relationship decisions only when the risk of rejection is perceived to be low. We propose that, in fact, other motivational factors (e.g., the rewards of intimacy and caregiving, fears of missed romantic opportunities, social pressure) are sufficiently strong to motivate pro-relationship decisions even in the face of nontrivial rejection risks. The progression bias also contradicts the notion that commitment is a necessary precondition for pro-relationship biases (e.g., Fletcher et al., 1999Rusbult & Van Lange, 20032008). Existing models of pro-relationship biases and positive romantic illusions stipulate that these biases primarily come online once commitment is high, after the relationship has become established. We propose that, in fact, these biases are present as soon as any romantic interest has developed, such that they play an important role in propelling fledging dating partners toward established partnerships.

Below, we review emerging evidence for a progression bias across three major relationship turning points: initial mate choice, relationship investment, and stay/leave decisions. We will then discuss potential theoretical underpinnings of the phenomenon, including both evolutionary and social advantages, as well as implications for existing theoretical models of mate selection and romantic relationship development. Importantly, most of the evidence we review is subject to the same generalizability constraints as the discipline of psychology more broadly (e.g., WEIRD sampling; Henrich et al., 2010). We will discuss potential boundary conditions of the progression bias, including groups for whom the phenomenon may be stronger or weaker. Finally, we will conclude with suggested future directions, particularly highlighting the need for diverse recruitment as well as prospective methods that track real relationship experiences over time.

Willingness to try new foods impacts perceptions of sexual unrestrictedness and desirability

You are what you (are willing to) eat: Willingness to try new foods impacts perceptions of sexual unrestrictedness and desirability. Hannah K. Bradshaw et al. Personality and Individual Differences, Volume 182, November 2021, 111082. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2021.111082

Highlights

• Willingness to try new food provides cues of sexual desirability and mating strategy.

• Targets open to new food are rated as more desirable and more sexually unrestricted.

• Findings are specific to openness to new food, not general openness to new things.

• Targets open to new food are rated as less sexually disgusted.

• Inferences of targets' sexual disgust predict evaluations of their mating strategy.

Abstract: Here, we examine the impact of one's willingness to try new foods on others' perceptions of sexual unrestrictedness and desirability as a sexual and romantic partner. Guided by insights from past research, we hypothesized that targets who are willing to try new foods would be perceived as being more desirable sexual and romantic partners (Study 1) and as being less sexually restricted (Studies 2–4) than targets who are unwilling to try new foods. Results supported this hypothesis and further indicated that this pattern is specific to willingness to try new foods, not general willingness to try new things (Study 3). Additionally, results revealed that the relationship between willingness to try new food and inferences of sexual unrestrictedness is driven by perceptions of target's relatively lower levels of sexual disgust sensitivity and not by the belief that the target is in better health or has superior immune function (Study 4). Together, these results suggest that people's willingness to try new foods may impact how they are perceived by prospective dates and mates.

Keywords: Food neophobiaSociosexual orientationConsumption stereotypes


In everyday life, people mostly empathize with very close others, and they empathize with positive emotions 3 times as frequently as with negative emotions

The Experience of Empathy in Everyday Life. Gregory John Depow, Zoë Francis, Michael Inzlicht. Psychological Science, July 9, 2021. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797621995202

Abstract: We used experience sampling to examine perceptions of empathy in the everyday lives of a group of 246 U.S. adults who were quota sampled to represent the population on key demographics. Participants reported an average of about nine opportunities to empathize per day; these experiences were positively associated with prosocial behavior, a relationship not found with trait measures. Although much of the literature focuses on the distress of strangers, in everyday life, people mostly empathize with very close others, and they empathize with positive emotions 3 times as frequently as with negative emotions. Although trait empathy was negatively associated only with well-being, empathy in daily life was generally associated with increased well-being. Theoretically distinct components of empathy—emotion sharing, perspective taking, and compassion—typically co-occur in everyday empathy experiences. Finally, empathy in everyday life was higher for women and the religious but not significantly lower for conservatives and the wealthy.

Keywords: emotions, interpersonal relationships, motivation, personality, sex differences, social cognition, theory of mind, well-being, open data, open materials, preregistered

The majority of research on empathy has focused on negative emotions—typically of strangers and typically in laboratory settings. However, in everyday life, empathy was more often reported in response to positive emotions, not negative emotions, and participants empathized to a greater extent as emotions became more positive. Although these results may be influenced by reporting biases, they are consistent with the relative frequency of emotions experienced in daily life; positive emotions, such as excitement and enthusiasm, are experienced approximately 3 times more frequently than negative emotions, such as disgust, anger, and fear (Zelenski & Larsen, 2000).

Empathy was most often reported in response to close others. This effect may be due to mere availability because many people likely have more social interactions within existing relationships than with strangers. However, empathy also may be biased in favor of close others (Cikara et al., 2011). Supporting this possibility, our results showed that individuals empathized to a greater extent as closeness increased.

These findings have implications for our understanding of empathy as a motivated phenomenon (Zaki, 2014). The emerging work on lack of motivation to empathize might be related, in some part, to most lab studies of empathy involving the negative emotions of strangers. Whereas some work suggests that people might avoid both positive and negative empathy (Cameron et al., 2019), empathy for strangers might be especially unmotivating (Ferguson et al., 2020). In future lab studies on motivation to empathize, researchers should consider including a range of expressed emotions and including empathy targets who are close to the participant, not just strangers.

In prior work, researchers have suggested that dissociable components of empathy interact in real-life interactions (Morelli et al., 2014Zaki & Ochsner, 2012). The current study shows that emotion sharing, compassion, and perspective taking are reported together almost all of the time and are rarely reported in isolation. Although these components of empathy can be theoretically differentiated, our data suggest that they are typically experienced together by most people in most daily situations.

Finally, we examined various established demographic findings about empathy to see which findings hold across people’s experiences in daily life. Some established effects were replicated—for example, both women and religious participants tended to report experiencing empathy more often than men and the nonreligious. However, other relationships did not replicate in the context of daily life; we found a weak relationship between compassion and income and little to no relationship between empathy and political orientation—although the true effects of income and politics on empathy may be smaller than we were able to detect given our statistical power.

Limitations

Ground truth

Experience sampling allows us to get closer to the temporal, emotional, and social context of empathy, but it is still self-report data. The number of empathy opportunities and true ratios of positive and negative opportunities may vary from those reported—indeed, participants appeared selective in which observed emotions were perceived as empathy opportunities, consistent with motivational accounts of empathy (Cameron et al., 2019de Vignemont & Singer, 2006Zaki, 2014). However, truly objective measures of empathy opportunities would be difficult to obtain, given that empathy cues in the environment may not be attended to. Furthermore, feeling empathy may be best captured via self-report, given that it is an internal and subjective phenomenon.

Representativeness

Our sample was quota matched to census data on six key demographics, making our results more representative than is typical. Because the sample is not random, representativeness cannot be assumed on other demographics. For example, to join the study, participants were required to have a smartphone. However, 81% of U.S. adults had a smartphone as of 2019 (Pew Research Center, 2021), and the results from our lowest income participants mirrored those from the entire sample. The generalizability of our findings to other populations, especially non–Western, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic (WEIRD) populations, remains to be demonstrated.

Training and fatigue

Potentially, repeatedly responding to surveys on empathy might have trained participants to notice empathy opportunities. However, there was only one significant difference on trait empathy questionnaires at baseline compared with the final experience-sampling survey (all ps > .05), and empathy itself did not become more prevalent over the course of the week. Empathy opportunities were reported slightly less frequently as the week progressed, suggesting that individuals may have become decreasingly inclined to report empathy. However, because we nested results within survey day, this shift should minimally affect our results.

Definitions and demand

We chose to supply a definition of empathy to our participants to reduce noise from varying lay theories of empathy (Hall et al., 2021). By defining empathy as a process involving three related but distinct experiences, however, we may have introduced demand, resulting in participants inflating reports of the co-occurrence of all three processes or otherwise influencing participants’ reports (although similar results were reported for participants’ own empathy and empathy received). Future work should replicate these findings with different definitions of empathy.

Friday, July 9, 2021

Experimental manipulation of disease threat leads to less favorable attitudes and inclinations toward sexual promiscuity

Parasites and promiscuity: Acute disease salience leads to more restricted sexual attitudes. James B. Moran et al. Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, July 9, 2021. https://doi.org/10.1177/02654075211030999

Abstract: How does disease threat influence sexual attitudes and behaviors? Although research on the influence of disease threat on social behavior has grown considerably, the relationship between perceived disease threat and sexual attitudes remains unclear. The current preregistered study (analyzed N = 510), investigated how experimental reminders of disease threat influence attitudes and anticipated future behaviors pertaining to short-term sexual relationships, using an ecologically valid disease prime. The central preregistered prediction was that experimental manipulation of disease threat would lead to less favorable attitudes and inclinations toward sexual promiscuity. Results were consistent with this preregistered prediction, relative to both a neutral control condition and a non-disease threat condition. These experimental results were buttressed by the finding that dispositional variation in worry about disease threat predicted less favorable attitudes and inclinations toward short-term sexual relationships. This study represents the first preregistered investigation of the implications of acute disease threat for sexual attitudes.

Keywords: Behavioral immune system, germ aversion, sexual behavior, sociosexuality


There isn’t a direct connection between doing good deeds & being seen as a good person; rather, prosocial actors are often met with suspicion, & sometimes castigated as disingenuous braggarts, empty virtue-signalers, or holier-than-thou hypocrites

Prosocial Behavior and Reputation: When Does Doing Good Lead to Looking Good? Jonathan Z. Berman, Ike Silver. Current Opinion in Psychology, July 9 2021. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.copsyc.2021.06.021

Abstract: One reason people engage in prosocial behavior is to reap the reputational benefits associated with being seen as generous. Yet, there isn’t a direct connection between doing good deeds and being seen as a good person. Rather, prosocial actors are often met with suspicion, and sometimes castigated as disingenuous braggarts, empty virtue-signalers, or holier-than-thou hypocrites. In this article, we review recent research on how people evaluate those who engage in prosocial behavior and identify key factors that influence whether observers will praise or denigrate a prosocial actor for doing a good deed.

Keywords: Prosocial BehaviorCharitable GivingAltruismReputationCharitable CreditMoral Character



Contra pessimists... In everyday life, people use a whole package of self-control strategies to tame the demon that wants to tempt them into overspending

A meta-analysis of financial self-control strategies: Comparing empirical findings with online media and lay person perspectives on what helps individuals curb spending and start saving. Mariya Davydenko, Marta Kolbuszewska, Johanna Peetz. PLoS One, July 8, 2021. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0253938

Abstract: Self-control can be assisted by using self-control strategies rather than relying solely on willpower to resist tempting situations and to make more goal-consistent decisions. To understand how self-control strategies can aid financial goals, we conducted a meta-analysis (Study 1) to aggregate the latest research on self-control strategies in the financial domain and to estimate their overall effectiveness for saving and spending outcomes. Across 29 studies and 12 different self-control strategies, strategies reduced spending and increased saving significantly with a medium effect size (d = 0.57). Proactive and reactive strategies were equally effective. We next examined whether these strategies studied in the academic literature were present in a media sample of websites (N = 104 websites with 852 strategies) and in individuals’ personal experiences (N = 939 participants who listed 830 strategies). About half the strategies identified in the meta-analysis were present in the media sample and about half were listed by lay participants as strategies they personally use. In sum, this paper provides a comprehensive overview of the self-control strategies that have been studied in the empirical literature to date and of the strategies promoted in the media and used in daily life, identifying gaps between these perspectives.

General discussion

Failures in self-control in the financial domain can have dire consequences. Financial security predicts overall quality of life [75] and subjective well-being [76], whereas financial stress has been linked to physical health struggles [77], problems in close relationships [78], and stress in retirement [79]. Self-control strategies can aid financial decision making, reducing spending, and increasing saving. This paper is the first attempt at collating the diverse self-control strategies that have been studied in the financial domain. A formal meta-analysis of the existing studies to date suggests that financial self-control strategies are effective in improving financial decisions (Study 1). Strategies purported in online media communications (Study 2) and those reported as part of lay persons’ financial habits (Study 3) show a considerable degree of overlap but also show that a number of financial self-control strategies that are recommended in online media and are reportedly used by lay people have not yet been studied empirically. All three perspectives showed a focus on proactive rather than reactive strategies, in line with theoretical models that argue that proactive strategies are superior to reactive strategies [525]. However, proactive and reactive strategies in the meta-analysis were equally effective (Study 1) and were promoted equally by ‘financial expert’ websites or other websites (Study 2). More educated lay individuals were more likely to report proactive strategies compared to less educated individuals (strategy type did not differ age, gender, and income). It appears that both researchers and lay people with higher levels of education are drawn to self-control strategies that are used before a tempting situation occurs.

Self-control strategies in other domains

This paper summarizes research, online media communication, and personal experiences about a relatively understudied domain of self-control: financial goals. The majority of psychological research on self-control strategies has focused on academic goals (e.g., [298084]) and health goals (e.g., [8590]). In contrast, in the present paper we focused specifically on self-control strategies specific to the financial domain. However, these specific financial self-control strategies nonetheless link to broader conceptual types of self-control strategies such as avoiding temptations more generally (e.g., [539192]), changing how one thinks about a temptation (e.g., [549394]), and pre-committing before encountering a temptation (e.g., [389596]).

Therefore, the broad findings of this research–the overlap of online media communication and lay perspectives with empirically studied financial self-control strategies and the relatively greater importance of proactive strategies among the two former perspectives–likely generalizes to self-control strategies in other domains. It might also be that self-control strategies are more effective if they are conceived with regards to the specific self-control domain. For example, the general strategy ‘avoid temptations’ may be more effective for promoting health eating when phrased as ‘avoid the dessert menu at restaurants’ and more effective for promoting reduced spending when phrased as ‘avoid certain stores in the mall’. Just as for financial self-control strategies, there may be specific self-control strategies in other domains that have yet to be tested empirically but are commonplace in daily life.

Practical implications

A considerable portion of the existing self-control research has focused on the broader conceptualizations of self-control (e.g., [51025]) or examined trait measures of self-control (e.g., [1397]). This more abstract conceptualization is useful for establishing a framework, but less useful for practical applications: It does not describe what specific behaviours might be enacted through self-control strategies to create meaningful change in people’s goal pursuit. In contrast, we focused on specific financial self-control strategies. Overall, we generated 28 self-control strategy categories across three perspectives (empirical studies, online media communications, lay perspectives). This list of financial self-control strategies might be fairly comprehensive as well as specific.

Limitations

While we did not find a significant difference in effectiveness between proactive and reactive strategies in the meta-analysis, it is important to acknowledge that when these types of strategies are tested against each other directly, strategies used before encountering a temptation are more effective than strategies used in the tempting situation [29]. There are several possible explanations for the lack of a moderation in the meta-analysis. First, the strategy type might shift between experimental in-lab and field applications. The decision to pay with cash versus card might be made in the situation and may thus be reactive, but in everyday life might require someone to pick up cash before even encountering a spending situation, thus being proactive. Second, the studies included in the meta-analysis might have lacked “regulatory fit” [98] between the strategies coded as proactive vs. reactive and the specific behavioral outcomes. Greater fit between the type of strategy and the temptation might make self-control easier (see [99] for a similar argument about the benefit of fit between personality and temptation).

It is important to note that the purpose of this research was not to discover the best self-control strategy. Daily life involves many diverse spending situations, and some situations may not suit some strategies (e.g., using cash rather than credit reduces spending but cash cannot be used in online transactions). Over time, people may have tried various self-control strategies and settled on those that were effective for them and their personal situation. Even though some specific financial strategies showed stronger effect sizes in the meta-analysis (Study 1) or were more frequently mentioned in online media (Study 2) or by lay people (Study 3), we do not have enough evidence to suggest that these strategies outperformed other strategies. It may be better to inform individuals of a variety of possible strategies to choose from as the situation allows.

We also caution that the present research cannot represent an exhaustive list of all possible financial self-control strategies, or even all empirically tested financial self-control strategies. Even though we included broad search terms in our meta-analysis, the meta-analysis search may have missed relevant studies. This limitation could be addressed by including even broader search terms in a systematic literature review or taking a different approach and focusing on the self-control literature (regardless of financial outcomes) instead.

Similar, conclusions drawn from the online media sample and lay sample are necessarily limited by the inclusiveness of these samples. Both represent the perspectives of WEIRD [100] culture and might not generalize to other populations or global media. Additionally, media advice encompasses a variety of communications, from print media (magazines, newspapers, books) to social media (Twitter, Facebook). Our media sample focused on online Google search results, including blogs, online versions of magazines and newspapers, and websites for financial organizations. Arguably, online searches are an important and commonly used way to learn about an issue (e.g., Google processes 3.5 billion searches per day, [101]), but it is important to keep in mind that the online media sample is just that: a sample of the available communications about financial strategies.

Future directions

Future research may examine which strategies are best in which situations, or even examine the optimal number of strategies to employ when making financial decisions. Indeed, simply providing people with a list of all possible self-control strategies may be mentally taxing. For example, one effective financial self-control strategy would be to pay for one’s purchases with cash [7]; however, in practice, this strategy would require a considerable amount of foresight and planning (i.e., additional self-control tasks) to ensure one always has cash on hand. Using this strategy in conjunction with other self-control strategies before every purchase, such as checking your account balance [51] and reflecting on future regret [54], may be too effortful considering the numerous spending situations individuals encounter on a daily basis. Thus, more selective use of self-control strategies depending on an individual’s personality and the specific spending situation may be most effective. There is likely no single, perfect financial self-control strategy to reduce spending or increase saving, and future research might examine whether educating people on sets of likely strategies can reduce their everyday spending. Future research could also examine how the strategies discovered in previous work on self-control strategies across goal domains [3031] compare to the strategies identified in the present research which focused exclusively on financial goals.

To address the limitation of sample representativeness, future research should examine a more representative sample of the American population, or examine strategy use across countries As Study 3 was relatively more educated and overrepresented young/middle aged adults their strategy use might have reflected a specific subset of the population (see online supplements for a comparison of Study 3 sample demographics with U.S. census demographics: https://osf.io/vpwfd/?view_only=ff460390e6f040f997131d907c75b4ba). Other subsets might use different strategies more frequently: for example, people closer to retirement may think about their future self more often as financial strategy than young adults further away from retirement.

Some subsets of the population may even reveal greater overlap between the academic research and the lay perspectives. For example, in a sample of undergraduate psychology students (a common convenience sample of many self-control studies) there may be greater awareness of the academic literature on self-control, and compared to other undergraduate samples, the strategies psychology undergraduates use may especially overlap with the strategies found in the meta-analysis literature search. Research on a more diverse sample could verify the results of the present research and can create a more complete list of financial self-control strategies. Sample demographic variables such as age and gender may not only moderate strategy use, but also strategy effectiveness for bringing spending and saving behaviour in line with people’s goals.

The meta-analysis showed that financial self-control strategies were effective but also showed that the vast majority of studies to date are lab-based. Future studies might examine whether these strategies as effective when used outside the lab, in lay person’s day-to-day life. Future studies might also study the effectiveness of the strategies that emerged from lay and online media perspectives but have not yet been studied empirically, in the lab or in the field.

Moderate Red Wine Consumption Increases the Expression of Longevity-Associated Genes in Controlled Human Populations and Extends Lifespan in Drosophila melanogaster

Moderate Red Wine Consumption Increases the Expression of Longevity-Associated Genes in Controlled Human Populations and Extends Lifespan in Drosophila melanogaster. Juan Gambini et al. Antioxidants 2021, 10(2), 301; February 16 2021. https://doi.org/10.3390/antiox10020301

Abstract: The beneficial effects of moderate red wine consumption on cardiovascular health are well known. The composition of red wine includes several compounds, such as the phytoestrogen resveratrol, that exert these beneficial effects, although not all the mechanisms by which they act are known. Our aim was to study the effect of red wine consumption on longevity-related genes in controlled human populations, such as cloistered nuns. We found that the expression of catalase, manganese-superoxide dismutase, Sirt1, and p53 was increased in peripheral blood mononuclear cells after 14 days of moderate red wine consumption. This increase was accompanied by an enhanced metabolic wellness: fatty acids, cholesterol, branched chain amino acids (isoleucine and leucine), ketone bodies (acetoacetate), bacterial co-metabolites (trimethylamine), and cellular antioxidants (taurine) contributed to a change in metabolic profile after moderate red wine consumption by the nuns. No serious unwanted side effects were observed. Finally, we tested the effect of moderate red wine consumption on longevity in a controlled animal population, such as D. melanogaster, and found that it increased average life span by 7%. In conclusion, moderate red wine consumption increases the expression of key longevity-related genes and improves metabolic health in humans and increases longevity in flies.

Keywords: lifespan; cardiovascular health; metabolic profile; resveratrol; phytoestrogens