The Puzzle of Falling US Birth Rates since the Great Recession

The Puzzle of Falling US Birth Rates since the Great Recession. Melissa S. Kearney, Phillip B. Levine, and Luke Pardue. Journal of Economic Perspectives, Volume 36, Number 1, Winter 2022, Pages 151–176. https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/pdfplus/10.1257/jep.36.1.151

Abstract: Between 1980 and 2007, US birth rates generally fluctuated within a narrow range of roughly 65 to 70 births per 1,000 women between ages 15 and 44. Since then, US birth rates have plummeted, reaching 55.8 per 1,000 women in 2020—about a 20 percent decline over 13 years. Figure 1 plots the trend in the US birth rates. The decline began at the onset of the Great Recession and continued during the ensuing recovery, with no signs of reversing. This paper considers possible suspects behind the falling birth rates. We begin with a detailed look at birth rates by demographic groups defined by age, education, race and ethnicity, marital status, and birth parity. A detailed examination by group might offer some preliminary clues as to what types of factors might be responsible for the aggregate trend. While the decline is concentrated among women in the under-30 age group, the decline is generally widespread across demographic subgroups, which gives reason to suspect that the dominant explanation for the aggregate decline is likely to be multifaceted or society-wide. We see no indication in the data that there is likely to be a reversal of these trends in the near future.

That consumers derive greater happiness from experiences than from material possessions lets one significant fact go unnoticed: Some of the most satisfying experiences combine elements of both domains; there is no inherent tradeoff

What Makes People Happy? Decoupling the Experiential-Material Continuum. Evan Weingarten et al. Journal of Consumer Psychology, February 2022. https://doi.org/10.1002/jcpy.1291

Abstract: Extant literature suggests that consumers derive more happiness from experiences (e.g., vacations) than from material possessions (e.g., furniture). However, this literature typically pits material against experiential consumption, treating them as a single bipolar construct of their relative dominance: more material or more experiential. This focus on relative dominance leaves unanswered questions regarding how different levels of material and experiential qualities each contribute to happiness. Four preregistered studies (N = 3,288), using hundreds of product categories, measured levels of material and experiential qualities using two unipolar items. These studies investigate recalled, evoked, and anticipated happiness. Results show a more nuanced view of the experiential advantage that is critical for future research and consumer theory: material and experiential qualities both have positive relationships with happiness. Further, there is no inherent tradeoff between experiential and material qualities: consumers can enjoy consumption that is high on both (e.g., swimming pools and home improvements).

What does it mean to be (seen as) human? The importance of gender in humanization

Martin, A. E., & Mason, M. F. (2022). What does it mean to be (seen as) human? The importance of gender in humanization. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Feb 2022. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspa0000293

Abstract: What does it mean to be (seen as) human? Ten studies explore this age-old question and show that gender is a critical feature of perceiving humanness, being more central to conceptions of humanness than other social categories (race, age, sexual orientation, religion, disability). Our first six studies induce humanization (i.e., anthropomorphism) and measure social-category ascription. Across different manipulations (e.g., having participants recall experiences, observe moving shapes, imagine nonhuman entities as people, and create a human form), we find that gender is the most strongly ascribed social category and the one that uniquely predicts humanization. To provide further evidence that gender is central to conceptions of personhood, and to examine the consequences of withholding it, we then demonstrate that removing gender from virtual humans (Study 5), human groups (Study 6), alien species (Study 7), and individuals (Study 8) leads them to be seen as less human. The diminished humanness ascribed to nongendered and genderless targets is due, at least in part, to the lack of a gender schema to guide facile and efficient sensemaking. The relative difficulty perceivers had in making sense of nongendered targets predicted diminished humanness ratings. Finally, we demonstrate downstream consequences of stripping a target of gender: Perceivers consider them less relatable and more socially distant (Study 8). These results have theoretical implications for research on gender, (de)humanization, anthropomorphism, and social cognition, more broadly.

We report a previously unidentified difference emotional regulation styles, with conservatives reporting a healthier approach to emotion regulation via cognitive reappraisal strategies; found more negative mood states among political liberals

David L. Dickinson, 2022. "Political ideology predicts mood and emotion regulation. Examining potential pathways to key life outcomes," Working Papers 22-03, Department of Economics, Appalachian State University. https://ideas.repec.org/p/apl/wpaper/22-03.html

Abstract: Previous research has identified importance differences in key life outcomes between political conservatives and liberals (e.g., happiness, academic success, involvement in crime). Potential mechanisms suggested in the literature have included self-control or personality traits that may systematically differ by political ideology. We preregistered plans to test for “dark” personality trait and self-control differences in political conservatives and liberals, with aims to replicate previously reported findings. We also examined differences in cognitive reflection style and emotion regulation. Three survey waves were obtained from an initial pool of U.S. participants (n=650 initial respondents, n=498 in Wave 2, n=402 in Wave 3) split roughly equally across political conservatives and liberals. We report a consistent null effect of political ideology on selfcontrol, and dark personality traits, in contrast to previous studies. Our data show higher cognitive reflection tendencies among those who are more politically liberal, consistent with past research. However, we report a previously unidentified difference emotional regulation styles, with conservatives reporting a healthier approach to emotion regulation via cognitive reappraisal strategies. Finally, a common mood elicitation in each of the three studies consistently reveals significantly more negative mood states among political liberals. Together, these findings suggest that mood and mood regulation may be a more important mechanism towards understanding preferred outcome differences in conservatives compared to liberals.

Key Words: self-control, political ideology, individual differences, mood regulation, dark personality

Gender Differences in Motives and Emotional Outcomes Following Casual Sex: No predictors (apart from being a man) were found for a positive emotional outcome

Was it Good for You? Gender Differences in Motives and Emotional Outcomes Following Casual Sex. Billie E. McKeen, Ryan C. Anderson & David A. Mitchell. Sexuality & Culture, Feb 11 2022. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s12119-022-09946-w

Abstract: Casual sex, also referred to as a hookup, has been associated with a range of negative emotional outcomes for women, including regret, anxiety, depression and social stigma. However, it has been argued that it is the nature of the sexual motivation, not gender that influences the emotional outcome. This study was designed to ascertain what motivates people to have casual sex, what emotional outcomes follow casual sex and whether there are gender differences among these variables. Seven hundred and one participants (47% men and 52.8% women) completed a 44-item online survey. Gender differences were found for both sexual motivations and emotional outcomes of casual sex, with women generally having more negative emotional outcomes than men. Additionally, a principal components analysis uncovered four reliable principal motivations underlying engagement in casual sex, and three principal emotional outcomes of casual sex. Predictors of negative emotional outcomes included being motivated to regulate negative emotions and to achieve positive emotions. No predictors (apart from being a man) were found for a positive emotional outcome. While the stigma surrounding female sexual agency is diminishing, results generally support the presence of a sexual double-standard which encourages male promiscuity but dissuades female sexual autonomy.

Discussion

It was hypothesised that there would be gender differences in motivations and emotional outcomes relating to casual sex. These hypotheses were supported, with overall gender differences for both, and a number of strong gender differences for individual items. Furthermore, when reduced to discrete factors, motivations predicted emotional outcomes.

Gender Differences in Motivations and Outcomes

Although there was an overall gender difference in the motivations for casual sex, it is noteworthy that men and women similarly endorsed statements such as ‘I had a hookup for personal enjoyment/fun’. Such findings support the idea that social stigma surrounding women’s sexual agency is diminishing. There was also a significant overall gender difference in emotional outcomes following casual sex, and differences for 11 of the 13 individual outcome items. Women reported significantly more negative emotional outcomes than men, including loneliness, unhappiness, rejection, regret, general negative feelings, and a perception of negative judgment from others. Conversely, men reported greater sexual satisfaction, happiness, self-confidence, contentment, and mood improvement. Each of these findings is consistent with the general idea that men experience some kind of emotional enhancement from engaging in casual sex, but for women the emotional effect is reductive. While the statistical effect-size of the gender difference here was reasonably small (ηp2 = 0.08), it is worth noting that of the 11 items indicating a gender difference, women reported a greater agreement to 6, while the reverse was true for five, thus the average difference misrepresents the more nuanced story.

Women reported significantly more regret, loneliness, unhappiness, rejection and negative feelings about one’s self in comparison to men following their most recent hookup experience. It is important to note that this finding is consistent with research from an evolutionary perspective, which suggests that women experience more regret than men because short-term sexual relationships are considered less advantageous for women’s reproductive success, and conversely, advantageous for men’s reproductive success (Galperin et al., 2013; Kennair et al., 2018). However, the item that loaded on the same factor as all of these items was ‘concern about being negatively judged by others’ which supports the sexual double standard from a social psychological perspective (Eagly & Wood, 1999).

Within Western culture, women are supposedly empowered and gender equality regulations are in place to enhance equality in opportunities, however, the findings of this investigation suggest that women do not experience casual sex in the same way as men. Women reported more concern about being negatively judged by others after engaging in casual sex than men. There is a risk of social stigma, namely slut shaming leading to social isolation for women, marking them as lower in status and less deserving of respect with the risk of social isolation, poor reputation and negative emotions (Armstrong et al., 2014).

Western culture supports gender equality, and levels of sexual permissiveness are arguably becoming more liberal. Engagement in casual sex is becoming increasingly acceptable, and it is noteworthy that the modest effect sizes in gender differences reported here may suggest that the disparity is decreasing, but the risk of experiencing negative emotional outcomes is still considerably greater for women than it is for men (Armstrong et al., 2014). Men are rarely threatened with social repercussions in the same way that women are, therefore expressing sexual autonomy is arguably less prohibitive for them (Farvid et al., 2017).

While the current study reported considerable gender differences in emotional outcomes, dissimilar findings of a minimal or null effect may be an artefact of methodological inconsistency. Vrangalova (2015) used a sample of young adults enrolled in higher education, however, the current sample was more heterogeneous, and inclusive of adults from more diverse backgrounds with ages ranging from 18 to 82.

Motivations Predicting Emotional Outcomes

The motivation to regulate negative emotions accounted for most of the variance in the data, suggesting that many individuals engage in casual sex in an effort to regulate their negative emotions. This motivation was also predictive of negative emotional outcomes. Having casual sex to manage feelings of loneliness, misery, unhappiness and irritability may lead to negative emotional outcomes, including feelings of regret, rejection, unhappiness, loneliness, negative feelings towards one’s self, and concern about being negatively judged by others. Although, the non-causal nature of the relationship bears mention, it may just be that a negative mindset is associated with both problematic motivations for and outcomes of casual sex.

We did not find a motivation that predicted positive emotional outcomes. It may simply be that a positive emotional outcome following casual sex is too difficult to reliably predict with only a small (unnuanced) set of variables, or that the more likely outcome of casual sex may be the reduction of something negative as opposed to the addition of something positive. However, the motivation, to achieve positive emotions, was found to predict neutral emotional outcomes. This may suggest that having sex for personal gratification, enjoyment, or fun can lead to an unchanged mood and feelings remaining the same.

Strengths, Limitations and Recommendations for Future Research

While the theme of gender differences in attitudes toward casual sex is by no means a new one, we believe that the current study is unique in a number of ways. For one, many studies in this area recruit younger (college-aged) samples. The sample of the current study, recruited via social media, was heterogeneous (and hence more generalizable) in terms of both age and ethnicity. Additionally, few studies have previously attempted to quantify the relationship between emotional motivations for and the emotional outcomes of casual sex.

In the current study participants were asked to refer to their most recent hookup experience but were not asked when this experience occurred. Future studies may wish to quantify this in order to determine whether the passage of time has an impact on emotional outcomes (or perception thereof). It is reasonable to suggest that as time passes since one’s last hookup experience, the strength of the emotions associated with the event may be tempered by temporal distance. Future studies may also benefit from measuring an individual’s sociosexual orientation and general wellbeing as both may be important control variables. For example, an individual that exclusively seeks short-term mating opportunities and/or is psychologically unwell is presumably motivated to engage in sexual behaviour for different reasons than a more stable, relationship oriented person.

The current study clearly defined the term ‘hookup’, based on previous research in the area (Napper et al., 2016; Owen et al., 2011). Defining the term for participants was an important component of the study, to ensure that participants were referring to the same range of sexual behaviours. Research on this phenomenon is methodologically inconsistent and often uses vague definitions for casual sex, such as “use whatever term you use with your friends” (Uecker & Martinez, 2017) and “sexual behavior occurring outside of long-term romantic relationships” (Vrangalova, 2015). However, the frequency with which an individual engaged in casual sex was not measured. Future research may wish to do so as emotions associated with a behaviour (especially highly valent ones) may well be enhanced as the frequency of said behaviour increases.

While the current study compared those who identify as male to those who identify as female, it neglected to gather information regarding transgenderism and gender identities beyond the traditional binary. Doing so was consistent with the weight of previous empirical literature (but see Wilson et al., 2010), however, if for no other reason than scientific rigour, further research into transgender/non-binary populations is needed. Future studies may wish to consider stratifying their sample by gender identity in order to gain a more nuanced understanding of attitudes toward, and emotional outcomes of, casual sex.

Finally, although the sample employed in the current study was ethnically heterogeneous, it was predominantly Caucasian. While this is consistent with the overwhelming majority of previous research, racial discourse in this area is critical to the ongoing discussion surrounding casual sex. Future studies should consider sampling from non-Western areas, or potentially stratisfying their sample by race.

The current study makes a unique and meaningful contribution to the literature in that it established that some (but not all) outcomes of casual sex can be predicted based on understanding an individual’s motivations for engaging in such. Namely, people who engage in sex to regulate negative emotions are likely to experience negative emotional outcomes. It is unclear as to whether this is because causal sex enhances pre-existing negative emotions or is just not an effective method for managing such emotions. It may be that the current study was unable to determine predictors of positive emotional outcomes following casual sex simply because we did not ask the right questions. Future studies in this area may consider conducting qualitative interview research in order to gain a richer and more nuanced understanding of this phenomenon, and potentially insight into attitudes and behaviors associated with favourable emotional outcomes.

The takeaway message of this research is clear: when engaging in anything from a kiss to coital intercourse outside of a committed relationship, ensure your underlying motivation is not to regulate negative emotions.

People foster an illusion of understanding human better than algorithmic decision-making, when in fact, both are black-boxes

Bonezzi, A., Ostinelli, M., & Melzner, J. (2022). The human black-box: The illusion of understanding human better than algorithmic decision-making. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General. Feb 1011. https://doi.org/10.1037/xge0001181

Abstract: As algorithms increasingly replace human decision-makers, concerns have been voiced about the black-box nature of algorithmic decision-making. These concerns raise an apparent paradox. In many cases, human decision-makers are just as much of a black-box as the algorithms that are meant to replace them. Yet, the inscrutability of human decision-making seems to raise fewer concerns. We suggest that one of the reasons for this paradox is that people foster an illusion of understanding human better than algorithmic decision-making, when in fact, both are black-boxes. We further propose that this occurs, at least in part, because people project their own intuitive understanding of a decision-making process more onto other humans than onto algorithms, and as a result, believe that they understand human better than algorithmic decision-making, when in fact, this is merely an illusion.

From 2000... Why Men Rape... Prevention efforts will founder until they are based on the understanding that rape evolved as a form of male reproductive behavior that needs a program for young men that teaches them to restrain their sexual behavior

Why Men Rape... Prevention efforts will founder until they are based on the understanding that rape evolved as a form of male reproductive behavior. Randy Thornhill, Craig T Palmer. The New York Academy of Sciences, 2000. https://www.csus.edu/indiv/m/merlinos/thornhill.html

Introduction

(1) A friend of ours once told us about her rape. The details hardly matter, but in outline her story is numbingly familiar. After a movie she returned with her date to his car, which had been left in an isolated parking lot. She was expecting him to drive her home. Instead, the man locked the car doors and physically forced her to have sex with him.

(2) Our friend was emotionally scarred by her experience: she became anxious about dating, and even about going out in public. She had trouble sleeping, eating and concentrating on her work. Indeed, like some war veterans, rape victims often suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder, in which symptoms such as anxiety, memory loss, obsessive thoughts and emotional numbness linger after a deeply disturbing experience. Yet gruesome ordeals like that of our friend are all too common: in a 1992 survey of American women aged eighteen and older, 13 percent of the respondents reported having been the victim of at least one rape, where rape was defined as unwelcome oral, anal or vaginal penetration achieved through the use or threat of force. Surely, eradicating sexual violence is an issue that modern society should make a top priority. But first a perplexing question must be confronted and answered: Why do men rape?

(3) The quest for the answer to that question has occupied the two of us collectively for more than forty years. As a purely scientific puzzle, the problem is hard enough. But it is further roiled by strong ideological currents. Many social theorists view rape not only as an ugly crime but as a symptom of an unhealthy society, in which men fear and disrespect women. In 1975 the feminist writer Susan Brownmiller asserted that rape is motivated not by lust but by the urge to control and dominate. In the twenty-five years since, Brownmiller's view has become mainstream. All men feel sexual desire, the theory goes, but not all men rape. Rape is viewed as an unnatural behavior that has nothing to do with sex, and one that has no corollary in the animal world.

(4) Undoubtedly, individual rapists may have a variety of motivations. A man may rape because, for instance, he wants to impress his friends by losing his virginity, or because he wants to avenge himself against a woman who has spurned him. But social scientists have not convincingly demonstrated that rapists are not at least partly motivated by sexual desire as well. Indeed, how could a rape take place at all without sexual motivation on the part of the rapist? Isn't sexual arousal of the rapist the one common factor in all rapes, including date rapes, rapes of children, rapes of women under anesthetic and even gang rapes committed by soldiers during war?

Sensory-Tactile Functional Mapping and Use-Associated Structural Variation of the Human Female Genital Representation Field

Sensory-Tactile Functional Mapping and Use-Associated Structural Variation of the Human Female Genital Representation Field. Andrea J. J. Knop, Stephanie Spengler, Carsten Bogler, Carina Forster, Michael Brecht, John-Dylan Haynes and Christine Heim. Journal of Neuroscience, February 9 2022, 42 (6) 1131-1140; https://doi.org/10.1523/JNEUROSCI.1081-21.2021

Abstract: The precise location of the human female genital representation field in the primary somatosensory cortex (S1) is controversial and its capacity for use-associated structural variation as a function of sexual behavior remains unknown. We used a functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI)-compatible sensory-tactile stimulation paradigm to functionally map the location of the female genital representation field in 20 adult women. Neural response to tactile stimulation of the clitoral region (vs right hand) identified individually-diverse focal bilateral activations in dorsolateral areas of S1 (BA1–BA3) in alignment with anatomic location. We next used cortical surface analyses to assess structural thickness across the 10 individually most activated vertices per hemisphere for each woman. We show that frequency of sexual intercourse within 12 months is correlated with structural thickness of the individually-mapped left genital field. Our results provide a precise functional localization of the female genital field and provide support for use-associated structural variation of the human genital cortex.

SIGNIFICANCE STATEMENT We provide a precise location of the human female genital field in the somatosensory cortex and, for the first time, provide evidence in support of structural variation of the human genital field in association with frequency of genital contact. Our study represents a significant methodological advance by individually mapping genital fields for structural analyses. On a secondary level, our results suggest that any study investigating changes in the human genital field must map the field individually to achieve sufficient precision. Our results pave the way for future research into the plasticity of the human genital cortex as a function of normal or adverse experience as well as changes in pathologic conditions, i.e., sexual dysfunction, sexual deviation, or sexual risk-taking behavior.

Keywords: functional mappinggenital fieldindividual variabilityplasticitysexual behaviorsomatosensory cortex

Discussion

We present novel evidence on the precise location of the female genital representation field and its capacity for use-associated structural variation. Using functional mapping during sensory-tactile stimulation of the clitoral region, we show focal bilateral neural activations within the dorsolateral postcentral gyrus in S1. We show that the individual location of peak neural activations in response to clitoral stimulation varies considerably between women. We applied cortical surface analysis to the individually-mapped ROI to compute structural thickness of the genital field. Correlating the individually-mapped morphologic data with behavioral data on sexual contact, we provide first evidence that thickness of the genital field varies as a function of frequency of genital intercourse in the past 12 months and lifetime, in line with use-associated plasticity.

Our results are noteworthy in several ways. To localize the female genital field, we measured neural response in a tactile-sensory stimulation paradigm that delivers a physiologically valid stimulus as opposed to a previous study using electrical stimulation of the clitoris (Michels et al., 2010). Furthermore, our tactile-sensory stimulation paradigm did not involve touching of body parts adjacent to the clitoris nor did it induce marked sexual arousal as opposed to previous studies using self-delivered or partner-delivered stimulation (Georgiadis et al., 2006, 2009, 2010; Komisaruk et al., 2011). The sole other study that used a sensory-tactile nonarousing stimulation paradigm to localize the genital field was limited to males (Kell et al., 2005). Our stimulation paradigm induced focal targeted neural activations, without inducing neural activation in other brain regions, at comparatively (Kell et al., 2005; Michels et al., 2010) high levels of statistical significance without using somatosensory template masks. Therefore, our data provide unequivocal information about the location of the female genital field and represent a significant methodological advance compared with previous studies that yielded conflicting results (Georgiadis et al., 2006, 2009; Michels et al., 2010; Komisaruk et al., 2011), likely because of confounding factors inherent to stimulation paradigms used in these studies (Pratt et al., 1980; Forss et al., 1994). On a group level, the mean location of the female genital field in the dorsolateral postcentral gyrus, identified in our study, corresponds with the location reported in two of the previous studies in females using electrical (Michels et al., 2010) or partner-delivered manual stimulation (Georgiadis et al., 2006) as well as with the location reported for males in the above-referenced study using sensory-tactile stimulation in males (Kell et al., 2005). Our results confirm a somatotopically-ordered representation of the female clitoris, adjacent to the representation of the hips and upper legs and commensurate with anatomic location, and disprove displaced location in the mesial wall of the precentral lobe. Our results provide independent confirmation for the revision (Kell et al., 2005) of the original homunculus (Penfield and Rasmussen, 1950) and extend the validity of the revised homunculus to women. Our results confirm a bilateral somatosensory representation of the anatomically centered clitoris, in line with histologic mapping data on the localization and bilateral representation of the rat genital cortex (Lenschow et al., 2016; Lauer et al., 2017; Lenschow and Brecht, 2018).

Our results suggest profound variability of the individual location of the genital field within the dorsolateral part of S1 with individual peak activations clearly deviating from the group mean. This means that any study looking at structural variation of the genital field as a function of certain conditions, such as sexual behavior, sexual abuse or sexual dysfunction, must necessarily implement individual mapping of the genital field and compute data, i.e., cortical thickness, on an individual level. Clearly, only by using individually-mapped ROIs, such studies yield precise reliable surface-based parameters for association with specific conditions.

We computed data on structural thickness of the genital field in individually-mapped ROIs, based on the 10 most activated vertices per hemisphere for each woman. We show that individual thickness of the left genital field associates with frequency of sexual intercourse. The association was stronger for genital intercourse within the past 12 months. While less pronounced, the association was significant for lifetime genital contact. Frequency of genital intercourse was not associated with thickness of the representation field of the right hand nor with thickness of the entire cortical mantle, confirming a specific association between genital touch and genital field thickness. This is compatible with the idea that the female genital field has capacity for structural plasticity depending on its use, commensurate with the general “use-it-or-lose-it” principle of experience-dependent plasticity (Hebb, 1947; Elbert and Rockstroh, 2004; Draganski and May, 2008). While injury-dependent or use-dependent plasticity in the human somatosensory cortex has been reported (Elbert et al., 1994, 1995; Flor et al., 1995; Foell et al., 2014), our results are the first to document structural variation of genital field thickness associated with more or less frequent normative use. Our results are in line with findings from animal studies showing that genital brushing during puberty resulted in lateral expansion of the rat and mouse genital cortex (Lenschow et al., 2017; Sigl-Glöckner et al., 2019). Cortical plasticity serves to enhance the efficiency of processing of behaviorally-relevant inputs and represents an adaptive response (Trachtenberg et al., 2002; Markham and Greenough, 2004; Feldman and Brecht, 2005; May, 2011). In an earlier study, we observed decreased thickness of the genital cortex after exposure to childhood sexual abuse, suggesting that highly aversive and developmentally inappropriate sexual stimulation may limit somatosensory representation to decrease processing of detrimental input (Heim et al., 2013).

Several mechanisms might contribute to dynamic use-associated structural plasticity of the genital field. Structural thickening of the mature cortex as a function of use most likely reflects formation of new synapses by axonal sprouting, dendritic arborization, and dendritic spine growth rather than induction of new neurons through neurogenesis (Markham and Greenough, 2004; Feldman and Brecht, 2005; Feldman, 2009; May, 2011). There is substantial evidence on the central role of glutamatergic synapses in mediating plasticity, reflecting rapid components of NMDA receptor-dependent long-term potentiation (LTP) and long-term depression (LTD; Buonomano and Merzenich, 1998; Feldman, 2009). Another mechanism contributing to use-associated structural plasticity may involve alterations in glial-cell mediated myelination (Timmler and Simons, 2019). While oligodendrogenesis is rare (Yeung et al., 2019), the presence of large numbers of premyelinating oligodendrocytes in the human cortex may enable adaptive myelination to adapt conduction velocity to functional demand (Gibson et al., 2014). Future studies in humans should use novel imaging tools that allow for assessing cortical myelin density (Amunts and Zilles, 2015) to study genital field plasticity. Further, neural activation in response to somatosensory stimulation depends on axonal input from the thalamus (Feldman, 2009). When removing afferent somatosensory input from the thalamus, dendritic spine numbers of somatosensory cortical neurons attenuate (Lendvai et al., 2000). When exposing rats to genital touch or sexual contact during puberty, invading thalamo-cortical afferents promote the expansion of the female genital cortex (Lenschow et al., 2016). Future studies on genital field plasticity should therefore include assessments of thalamo-cortical connectivity and myelination.

It must be noted that use-associated variation of structural thickness of the female genital field in our study was limited to the left hemisphere. This lateralized effect is puzzling given that the neural representation of the clitoris is bilateral. Left-hemispheric dominance of neural plasticity has been reported for learning-dependent structural change after coordination and motor skill training (Draganski et al., 2004; Taubert et al., 2010; Rogge et al., 2018). Such lateralized plasticity may reflect hemispheric specialization (Serrien et al., 2006). In the above referenced study (Heim et al., 2013), thinning of the genital field after sexual abuse was limited to the left hemisphere. While we cannot comprehensively explain these findings, one plausible mechanism may involve lateralized limbic-cortical modulation of sensory afferent inputs into the genital field, leading to unilateral associations of sexual behavior with genital field morphology.

While our localization of the female genital field was experimental in nature, our investigation of the capacity of the genital field for structural variation as a function of genital contact was cross-sectional and relied on retrospective self-report of genital intercourse. Our results align with the general principle of an association between frequency of genital intercourse and structural variation, albeit the direction of effect is a matter of discussion. It is conceivable that thickness of the genital field may drive frequency of sexual intercourse. Results from animal models provide causal that clitoral stimulation drives genital field thickness (Lenschow et al., 2016; Lenschow and Brecht, 2018). Future prospective studies or studies exploiting quasi-experimental conditions, such as induction of behavior change during sexual therapy, are needed to establish causality.

In conclusion, we provide an unequivocal localization of the female genital field in S1 and support for use-associated plasticity of the human genital field. On a secondary level, our findings support the notion that studies investigating change of the human genital field must map the field individually. Our results pave the way for future research into the plasticity of the human genital field as a function of normal or adverse experience as well as genital field structure, function and plasticity in pathologic conditions, such sexual dysfunction, sexual deviation, or sexual risk-taking behavior.

Those from low control environments will invest less in pathogen-avoidance strategies (disgust) vs pathogen management (prophylactic immunological activity

Control over pathogen exposure and basal immunological activity influence disgust and pathogen-avoidance motivation. Hannah Bradshaw, Jeff Gassen, Marjorie Prokosch, Gary Boehm & Sarah Hill. Cognition and Emotion, Feb 9 2022. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699931.2022.2031905

Abstract: Disgust is reasoned to operate in conjunction with the immune system to help protect the body from illness. However, less is known about the factors that impact the degree to which individuals invest in pathogen avoidance (disgust) versus pathogen management (prophylactic immunological activity). Here, we examine the role that one’s control over pathogen contact plays in resolving such investment trade-offs, predicting that (a) those from low control environments will invest less in pathogen-avoidance strategies and (b) investment in each of these two strategies will occur in a compensatory fashion (i.e. they will be traded off with one other). Across four studies, we found support for these predictions, using a variety of manipulations and measures. By providing novel insights into how one’s control over pathogen exposure influences disgust sensitivity and immune system activity, the current research poses an important contribution to the literature on disgust, pathogen avoidance, and the immune system.

Keywords: disgustcontrolpathogen avoidanceimmune systemfunctional flexibility

Universals & preferential reactions to Western music in 53 countries: trait Extraversion was correlated with stronger reactions to contemporary music, whereas trait Openness was correlated with stronger reactions to sophisticated music

Universals and variations in musical preferences: A study of preferential reactions to Western music in 53 countries. Greenberg, D. M., Wride, S. J., Snowden, D. A., Spathis, D., Potter, J., & Rentfrow, P. J. (2022). Universals and variations in musical preferences: A study of preferential reactions to Western music in 53 countries. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 122(2), 286–309. Feb 2022. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspp0000397

Are there universal patterns in musical preferences? To address this question, we built on theory and research in personality, cultural, and music psychology to map the terrain of preferences for Western music using data from 356,649 people across six continents. In Study 1 (N = 284,935), participants in 53 countries completed a genre favorability measure, and in Study 2 (N = 71,714), participants in 36 countries completed an audio-based measure of preferential reactions to music. Both studies included self-report measures of the Big Five personality traits and demographics. Results converged to show that individual differences in preferences for Western music can be organized in terms of five latent factors that are invariant (i.e., universal) across countries and that generalize across assessment methods. Furthermore, the patterns of correlations between personality traits and musical preferences were largely consistent across countries and assessment methods. For example, trait Extraversion was correlated with stronger reactions to Contemporary musical styles (which feature rhythmic, upbeat, and electronic attributes), whereas trait Openness was correlated with stronger reactions to Sophisticated musical styles (which feature complex and cerebral attributes often heard in improvisational and instrumental music). The patterns of correlations between musical preferences and gender differences, ethnicity, and other sociodemographic metrics were also largely invariant across countries. Together, these findings strongly suggest that there are universal patterns in preferences for Western music, providing a foundation on which to develop and test hypotheses about the interactions between music, psychology, biology, and culture.

30 Countries Study Prior to and During the Initial COVID-19 Wave: Fewer respondents reported physical or sexual partner violence during COVID-19 measures (7.0%) compared to the period before COVID-19 measures (9.3%)

The International Sexual Health And Reproductive Health Survey (I-SHARE-1): A Multi-Country Analysis of Adults from 30 Countries Prior to and During the Initial COVID-19 Wave. Jennifer Toller Erausquin et al. Clinical Infectious Diseases, ciac102, Feb 7 2022. https://doi.org/10.1093/cid/ciac102

Abstract

Background: There is limited evidence to date about changes to sexual and reproductive health (SRH) during the initial wave of COVID-19 disease. To address this gap, our team organized a multi-country, cross-sectional online survey as part of a global consortium.

Methods: Consortium research teams conducted online surveys in 30 countries. Sampling methods included convenience, online panels, and population-representative. Primary outcomes included sexual behaviors, partner violence, and SRH service utilization, and we compared three months prior to and during policy measures to mitigate COVID-19. We conducted meta-analyses for primary outcomes and graded the certainty of the evidence using Cochrane methods.

Results: Among 4546 respondents with casual partners, condom use stayed the same for 3374 (74.4%) people and 640 (14.1%) people reported a decline. Fewer respondents reported physical or sexual partner violence during COVID-19 measures (1063/15144, 7.0%) compared to the period before COVID-19 measures (1469/15887, 9.3%). COVID-19 measures impeded access to condoms (933/10790, 8.7%), contraceptives (610/8175, 7.5%), and HIV/STI testing (750/1965, 30.7%). Pooled estimates from meta-analysis indicate during COVID-19 measures, 32.3% (95% CI 23.9-42.1) of people needing HIV/STI testing had hindered access, 4.4% (95% CI 3.4-5.4) experienced partner violence, and 5.8% (95% CI 5.4-8.2) decreased casual partner condom use (moderate certainty of evidence for each outcome). Meta-analysis findings were robust in sensitivity analyses that examined country income level, sample size, and sampling strategy.

Conclusions: Open science methods are feasible to organize research studies as part of emergency responses. The initial COVID-19 wave impacted SRH behaviors and access to services across diverse global settings.

Keywords: HIV, Sexually Transmitted Infections, Sexual Behavior, Sexual violence, Condom Use

Social Desirability In Surveys: In 1966, 7% of subjects initially admitted to same-sex sexual experiences, but many later changed their answers (reaching 22%) when told that they would be given a polygraph test to detect false answers

The Influence of Social Desirability on Sexual Behavior Surveys: A Review. Bruce M. King. Archives of Sexual, Feb 10 2022. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10508-021-02197-0

Abstract: Research in fields for which self-reported behaviors can be compared with factual data reveals that misreporting is pervasive and often extreme. The degree of misreporting is correlated with the level of social desirability, i.e., the need to respond in a culturally appropriate manner. People who are influenced by social desirability tend to over-report culturally desired behaviors and under-report undesired behaviors. This paper reviews socially desirable responding in sexual behavior research. Given the very private nature of the sexual activity, sex researchers generally lack a gold standard by which to compare self-reported sexual behaviors and have relied on the anonymity of participants as the methodology to assure honest answers on sexual behavior surveys. However, indirect evidence indicates that under-reporting (e.g., of a number of sexual partners, receptive anal intercourse, condom use) is common. Among the general population, several studies have now reported that even with anonymous responding, there are significant correlations between a variety of self-reported sexual behaviors (e.g., use of condoms, sexual fantasies, exposure to pornography, penis size) and social desirability, with evidence that extreme under- or over-reporting is as common as is found in other fields. When asking highly sensitive questions, sex researchers should always include a measure of social desirability and take that into account when analyzing their results.

Social Desirability Responding in Sex Research

In a 1966 study using the personal interview technique, researchers found that 7% of participants initially admitted to same-sex sexual experiences, but many others later changed their answers (resulting in 22%) when they were told that they would be given a polygraph test to detect false answers (Clark & Tiffit, 1966). Same-sex sexual relations were a highly stigmatized behavior in 1966 (see Editorial, 1966).

In another early study, researchers asked women in several repeated personal interviews if they had ever engaged in anal intercourse (Bolling, 1976; Bolling & Voeller, 1987). Very few admitted to doing so in the first interview, but after repeated interviews with the same researcher (and the “development of strong trust”) nearly three-fourths admitted to having tried it at least once.

Conclusions

In a recent review, Schmitt (2017) concluded, “In the end, ample research suggests responses to sexuality surveys are….mostly truthful” (concluding paragraph). This author disagrees. For example, the CDC’s Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS) is a national school-based survey of a large variety of self-reported risky behaviors among U.S. adolescents. Many researchers, including this author, have cited the results from the sexual behaviors portion of the survey. The 2015 survey has been cited over 1420 times (Kann et al., 2016) and the 2017 survey has been cited over 1,400 times (Kann et al., 2018). However, in a study of the validity of their findings, the CDC found that students over-reported their height by an average of 2.7 inches. The misreporting was not random. Only 4% of the participants under-reported their height, with 39.5% over-reporting by 3 inches or more (Brener et al., 2003). Mischievous responding was evident as well as one high school student over-reported height by 16.7 inches. With many of the same students under-reporting their body weight, 12.7% under-reported their body mass index by 5 kg/m2 or more.

There is no rational reason to believe that answers on the sexual behaviors portion of the YRBS, or any other survey of self-reported sexual behaviors, are any more truthful than the YRBS’ self-reports of height. In one of the few studies in which self-reported sexual behavior was compared to the gold standard of factual information, adolescents were asked if they had experienced a sexually transmitted infection in the previous 6 months to 1 year (Clark et al., 1997). Fifty-one percent denied having had an STI, but hospital records confirmed that they had. Another 9% admitted to having had one STI during that time period, but medical records revealed multiple STIs. The results of many studies now indicate that social desirability responding in studies of self-reported sexual behaviors is as pervasive and often as extreme as is found in other research areas.

Enjoyable experiences go stale in three distinct temporal profiles, and the patterns of "hedonic decline" are stable across time and stimuli, within an individual

Identifying the temporal profiles of hedonic decline. Jeff Galak, Jinwoo Kim, Joseph P. Redden. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, Volume 169, March 2022, 104128. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.obhdp.2022.104128

Highlights

• Hedonic decline unfolds in three distinct temporal profiles (shapes): Flat, Steady Decline, Rapid Onset Decline.

• Hedonic decline temporal profiles are stable across time and stimuli, within an individual.

• Hedonic decline temporal profiles can be explained by variation in Need for Cognition.

• Hedonic decline temporal profiles have significant downstream consequences on future consumption choice and timing.

• Understanding how hedonic decline temporal profiles unfold can be of great benefit to individuals and to organizations.

Abstract: The unfortunate reality of the human condition is that enjoyable experiences become less enjoyable with time and repetition. This hedonic decline has been well documented across a variety of stimuli and experiences. However, previous work has largely ignored the possibility that the temporal profile of hedonic decline varies at the individual level. In the present work, we first identify three temporal profiles of hedonic decline: flat, steady decline, and rapid onset decline. We next demonstrate that these temporal profiles of hedonic decline are relatively stable across both stimuli and time for any given individuals. That is, a temporal profile observed for one stimulus can be used to predict the temporal profile of hedonic decline for a novel stimulus or the same stimulus at a future date. We further explore the psychological underpinnings of these differences and note that Need for Cognition, a stable personality trait, partially explains which individuals will be more likely to experience different temporal profiles. Finally, we demonstrate two important downstream consequences to these three different temporal profiles of hedonic decline: re-consumption choice and re-consumption timing. This work provides a first look into the various ways in which hedonic decline operates at an individual level and documents predictable heterogeneity in such tendencies, an important departure from previous research looking at hedonic decline in aggregate.

7. General discussion

Across five studies we demonstrate that hedonic decline tends to follow one of three distinct patterns: Rapid Onset Decline, Steady Decline, or Flat. Rapid Onset Decline is characterized by a fast initial decline in enjoyment that tapers off over time. Steady Decline is characterized by the opposite in that there is little hedonic decline at first, but then hedonic decline accelerates once a threshold is seemingly reached. Finally, Flat is characterized by little to no hedonic decline at all. These three temporal profiles consistently emerged across stimuli including food, music, art, and videos. Critically, ex ante, it is not obvious that these are the three temporal profiles that must emerge from such an investigation. Indeed, increases in enjoyment (of various temporal profiles), linear decreases in enjoyment, irregular and/or cyclical changes in enjoyment, or simply no clustering at all were all plausible as common profiles.

Instead, we consistently observed the same three temporal profiles of hedonic decline regardless of the stimuli. Critically, not only do these temporal profiles consistently appear across studies, they appear to be stable for an individual both across time and across stimuli. That is, if an individual is classified into one of these three temporal profiles, they will likely experience hedonic decline the same way both for the same stimulus sometime in the future, as well as a novel stimulus. This type of consistency has yet to be documented in any capacity in the literature on hedonic decline. Indeed, previous work has treated hedonic decline either as a monolith where all people experience hedonic decline the same way, or has allowed for individual variation primarily as a nuisance to statistically control for when modeling more general effects. The present work moves well beyond these prior findings by showing that people experience hedonic decline with predicable heterogeneity that is stable across time and stimuli.

This suggests that these three temporal profiles are fundamental to understanding how one experiences hedonically relevant stimuli over time. As far as we know, no fundamental theory in psychology argues that a given person should experience hedonic decline in generally the same way across stimuli. However, there is ample evidence for stable individual traits that could help account for this. Here, we explore just one such well-known trait, that of need for cognition (NFC in Studies 2 and 3). Of course, we expect that a multitude of other individual differences likely contribute to why a person experiences a particular type of hedonic decline. Potential candidates for future research here could include mindfulness (Bishop et al., 2004), optimal stimulation (Raju, 1980), variety seeking (van Trijp & Steenkamp, 1992), self control (Tangney et al., 2004), as well as many others.

In fact, in a post-hoc analysis of our study demographics, we found that older participants were more likely to exhibit a Flat pattern than a Rapid Onset Decline pattern (see Supplemental Materials for details), yet no differences emerged for gender. This is largely consistent with the notion that older individuals tend to require a lower need for stimulation, a possible correlate of hedonic decline (Kish and Busse, 1968, Raju, 1980). There are likely many other demographic and psychological difference that help explain cluster membership, and we expect future work will uncover such differences to further our understanding of the antecedents of hedonic decline. In the present work, we limit ourselves to NFC to first document a novel antecedent to hedonic decline, and second to demonstrate that the three clusters we observe are not just random artifacts of our analytical approach. Rather, these groupings can be predicted, in part, by theory.

Finally, aside from documenting the existence and partial psychological underpinnings of three hedonic decline clusters, we show two critical downstream consequences: re-consumption behavior (Study 4a), and future consumption timing (Study 4b). For people with rapid hedonic decline (Rapid Onset Decline), the choice to re-consume a once enjoyable stimulus is decreased and delayed significantly after just a few exposures. The same is not true for those with little hedonic decline (Flat), as they are more willing to immediately re-consume a stimulus even after repeated exposure to it. In other words, in order to predict either re-consumption behavior or preference for future consumption timing for any given individual, it is not enough to know their initial enjoyment with a stimulus, nor even the number of previous consumption episodes of that stimulus. Rather, to predict re-consumption and preference for future consumption timing, one must also know which hedonic decline trajectory that person is likely to experience.

This research has important implications for our understanding of psychology in that it contributes to our growing understanding of how heterogeneity in experiences can help predict behavior at the individual level (Bolger et al., 2019). In the field of psychology, in particular, there has been limited work devoted to including heterogeneity of human experiences in theory and model development. This work demonstrates the clear importance of doing so, and is meant to be a steppingstone for those working to develop a larger theory of hedonic consumption. Critically, this work does much more than simply claim that people are different (which is largely self-evident), but rather it also identifies specific groups of people in terms of how they respond to hedonic stimuli. Our behavioral results (Studies 4a and 4b) also suggest that some people may naturally show less hedonic decline, making it easier for these Flat decliners to maintain their focus when listening to a speaker, performing a work task, or building expertise. Alternatively, these Flat decliners likely also find it difficult to exhibit self-control at other times such as eating an indulgent food, playing a video game, or spending money on a shopping spree.

This research has implications for practitioners as well. A firm that can identify the hedonic decline type for a person can then use it to predict future preferences. For instance, if a music streaming service sees a person drop a particular song from a playlist after a few plays, this may indicate a Rapid Onset Decliner who needs lots of variety in the future. Alternatively, if a person has been identified as a Flat type, then they are likely to keep using a product more in the long term (suggesting a firm should invest more to acquire and keep them). Given these benefits, we expect managers will find creative ways to identify one’s hedonic decline type. Possibilities include ongoing satisfaction surveys like many retailers and fast food companies offer on the back of receipts, the ongoing ratings of episodes as one watches a streaming series, or the length of time one spends on a media site before losing interest. Likewise, profiles may be built for individuals using other general measures, such as need for cognition, age, etc.

There is also the possibility of our work informing how future researchers should approach the study of hedonic decline more generally. As aforementioned, most research studying hedonic responses of any kind over time, generally assumes that all people follow a similar trajectory (linear) of hedonic decline. To the extent that our work shows this to be far from the case, there is a simple and specific prescription that all researchers should follow: ascertain if the research question of interest varies as a function of cluster membership. That is, much work in this space uses experimental manipulations to demonstrate a shift in overall hedonic decline. A simple addition to that research approach would be to first conduct a cluster analysis as done in this paper, and then test if any experimental manipulation varies as a function of cluster membership. In Supplemental Materials Study S5 we found that disrupting an experience slowed the rate of hedonic decline across all clusters, but this did not need to be the case. It was equally plausible that the disruption would only influence, say, the individuals in the Rapid Onset Decline cluster. For future work, we would encourage all researchers to understand if their interventions are universally applicable, or rather apply to only some subset of individuals. At a minimum, researchers should explore modeling results with individual-level random effects for the intercept, linear, and quadratic terms, and examine the histograms of the individual estimates. Doing so will yield greater insight into the underlying psychology of whatever is being studied.

There are, of course, still some unanswered questions on which the present manuscript can only speculate. For instance, do these same hedonic decline clusters emerge for all stimuli? By design, all of our studies employed repetition in the form of repeating a discrete stimulus (e.g. a single song repeated, or a single type of food repeatedly consumed) to induce hedonic decline, but would we observe the same clusters for stimuli that are structurally different? For instance, videos provide a dynamic stimulus that unfolds in new ways over time. To explore this question, we ran a study in which participants watched a 13-minute nature documentary, and rated their enjoyment every 30 s (without stopping consumption, via an in-experience measure). Consistent with our other studies, we again found the same three clusters of hedonic decline, even for this longer continuous experience (Supplemental Materials Study S6). Beyond continuous versus discrete, another structural difference could be the duration of the experience. In all of our studies, the experiences were relatively short lived, lasting just minutes in totality. In contrast, other work has looked at longer, and perhaps more complex stimuli, such as full length movies or visits to museums (O'Brien, 2019). Indeed, such work has found little hedonic decline with repetition, which may reflect a shift in the mix of our three cluster types for longer and more complex experiences. We leave this and other related questions to future research.

There is also the question of how such clustering would unfold for negative or aversive stimuli. For instance, Nelson & Meyvis (2008) found similar results of the influence of breaks on hedonic decline for both negative and positive stimuli. This seems to suggest that people fundamentally experience similar diminishing hedonic responses to all types of stimuli, be they positive or negative. And yet, some recent work suggests that hedonic responses are not symmetric, at least in some domains. For instance, aversive experience are much more sensitive to hedonic contrasts than positive experiences (Voichek & Novemsky 2021). Might this mean that people experience negative stimuli fundamentally differently from positive stimuli, and thus group into different clusters than what we observed here? Or might there be less stability in clustering when considering clusters observed with a positive stimulus and then projected onto expected experiences with a negative stimulus? This too is an important question that we hope future researchers will tackle.

Going beyond consumption of stimuli, the field of hedonic adaptation has often focused on major life events. The most typical finding is that even after major events like the loss of a child or a change in employment, people’s overall hedonic experience (i.e., their wellbeing) returns to a set point after enough time has passed (Brickman et al., 1978, Lucas et al., 2003, Lucas et al., 2004). Our research, though robust to a variety of stimuli, is relatively mute on whether similar clusters of hedonic decline will emerge for such larger-scale, longer-term experiences focused on overall well-being. That is, following the loss of a job, people tend to initially experience an extreme negative response, which then returns to their pre-job loss levels with time. But does that hedonic adaptation occur uniformly for all individuals, or rather like in the present research, do some people experience little recovery, some rapidly recover, while others’ recovery occurs only after a prolonged period of extreme negativity. If future work documents such clusters for major life events, that would potentially allow for a stronger understanding of which types of individuals require more intense interventions following major negative life experiences to help them return to their pre-negative experience set points. After all, if some individuals experience Rapid Onset Decline (recovery, in this case), they may be less in need of clinical help than those who experience Flat or Steady Decline. Of course, for now, we can only speculate and hope that such questions will be answered with future research.

In sum, hedonic decline, though ubiquitous, is not quite as singularly determined as once believed. While some work has explored why some individuals could systematically differ in their hedonic decline (Chugani et al., 2015, Nelson and Redden, 2017, Redden and Haws, 2013), this research is very limited in scope and generally understudied. Further, none of this work considered how there might be systematic patterns across all people across all domains, which is exactly what more general theories of enjoyment would require. Moreover, these responses are similar across a variety of stimuli, and include both repetitive consumption and continuous consumption. We hope that our present work spurs future research both in the area of hedonic decline, as well as more broadly in the area of predictable heterogeneous psychological responses to all forms of stimuli for all types of people.