Thursday, February 17, 2022

Behavioral consistency in the digital age: The activity profile of our smartphones reveals a lot about us

Behavioral Consistency in the Digital Age. Heather Shaw et al. Psychological Science, February 17, https://doi.org/10.1177/09567976211040491

Abstract: Efforts to infer personality from digital footprints have focused on behavioral stability at the trait level without considering situational dependency. We repeated a classic study of intraindividual consistency with secondary data (five data sets) containing 28,692 days of smartphone usage from 780 people. Using per-app measures of pickup frequency and usage duration, we found that profiles of daily smartphone usage were significantly more consistent when taken from the same user than from different users (d > 1.46). Random-forest models trained on 6 days of behavior identified each of the 780 users in test data with 35.8% accuracy for pickup frequency and 38.5% accuracy for duration frequency. This increased to 73.5% and 75.3%, respectively, when success was taken as the user appearing in the top 10 predictions (i.e., top 1%). Thus, situation-dependent stability in behavior is present in our digital lives, and its uniqueness provides both opportunities and risks to privacy.

Keywords: behavioral consistency, personality, digital footprint, intraindividual, open data, preregistered

It has been almost five decades since Mischel (1973) outlined an interactionist conception of behavioral dispositions, yet most evidence for the theory comes from observations of off-line interactions. Here, we considered consistency in digital behaviors, through studying the variation of engagement (a behavior) across several nominal situations (apps), collected unobtrusively every second across several days. We found that smartphone users have unique patterns of behaviors for 21 different apps and the cues they present to the user. These usage profiles showed a degree of intraindividual consistency over repeated daily observations that was far greater than equivalent interindividual comparisons (e.g., a person consistently uses Facebook the most and Calculator the least every day). This was true for the daily duration of app use but also the simpler measure of daily app pickups—how many times you open each app per day. It was also true for profiles derived from individual days and profiles aggregated across multiple days. Therefore, by adopting an interactionist approach in personality research, we can predict a person’s future behavior from digital traces while mapping the unique characteristics of a particular individual. Research indicates that people spend on average 4 hr per day on their smartphone and pick up their smartphone on average 85 times per day (Ellis et al., 2019). It is important that theories can adapt to the way people behave presently in digital environments.

It may be considered a limitation that when examining if-then statements, we did not examine within-app behaviors (e.g., posts and comments) that result from experiencing the active ingredients of a particular digital situation. In future studies, researchers may wish to explore data that can be retrieved from different apps that share similar behaviors (e.g., posts across different social media sites). Instead, we examined the cross-situational engagement (a behavior) with each app (situation), which is a comparatively simple digital trace that can be collected easily and unobtrusively, to demonstrate that this alone has within-user consistency.

Consequently, the extent to which our daily smartphone use could act as a digital fingerprint, sufficient to betray our privacy in anonymized data or across devices (e.g., personal phone vs. work phone), is an increasing ethical concern. Our study adds value to the existing literature by illustrating how engagement with apps alone shows within-user consistency that can identify an individual. We modeled users’ unique behaviors by training random forests and then used their exported predictions to assign them to a top-10 candidate pool in separate data with 75.25% accuracy. Thus, an app that is granted access to a smartphone’s standard activity logging could render a reasonable prediction about a user’s identity even when they are logged out of their account. Similarly, if an app receives usage data from several third-party apps, our findings show that this can be used to profile a user and provide a signature that is separate from the device ID or username. So, for example, a law enforcement investigation to identify a criminal’s new phone from knowledge of their historic phone use could reduce a candidate pool of approximately 1,000 phones to 10 phones, with a 25% risk of missing them.

Pertinently, this identification is possible with no monitoring of the conversations or behaviors within the apps themselves and without triangulation of other data, such as geo-location. Perhaps this should come as no surprise. It is consistent with other research that shows how simple metadata can be used to make inferences about a particular user, such as assessing their personality from the smartphone operating system used (Shaw et al., 2016) and determining their home location from sparse call logs (Mayer et al., 2016), as well as identifying a particular user from installed apps (Tu et al., 2018). Given that many websites and apps collect these metadata from their users, it is important to acknowledge that usage alone can be sufficient to identify a user. It underscores the need for researchers collecting digital-trace data to ensure that usage profiles cannot be reverse engineered to determine participants’ identities, particularly if data are to be shared widely. Thus, context-dependent intraindividual stability in behavior extends into our digital lives, and its uniqueness affords both opportunities and risks.

Self-identified incels are resistant to seeking or accepting mental health treatment, often because they perceive that practitioners will blame them for their inceldom, rather than societal forces such as 'lookism'

Self-reported psychiatric disorder and perceived psychological symptom rates among involuntary celibates (incels) and their perceptions of mental health treatment. Anne Speckhard & Molly Ellenberg. Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression, Feb 16 2022. https://doi.org/10.1080/19434472.2022.2029933

Abstract: This study explores the prevalence of self-reported formal diagnoses and informally identified symptoms of psychological challenges among involuntary celibates (incels). Incels are increasingly becoming a topic of research, primarily focused on their potential for violence. However, there has not been a large study of the mental health antecedents to and results of inceldom, nor has there been extensive investigation of potential psychosocial interventions for incels. This study of 272 self-identified incels found a higher self-reported prevalence of formal psychological diagnoses than in the general population. Some diagnoses and associated symptoms, like depression and anxiety, may be the result of repeated rejection by potential partners, but others, namely autism spectrum disorder, are antecedent to inceldom and may actually contribute to an individual’s difficulties in establishing sexual and romantic relationships. Despite the high self-reported prevalence of these psychosocial challenges, this study found that self-identified incels are resistant to seeking or accepting mental health treatment, often because they perceive that practitioners will blame them for their inceldom, rather than societal forces such as ‘lookism.’ The results indicate that online forums may be effective mediums for providing or advertising non-judgmental mental health treatment and exploring creative ways of helping incels achieve a better quality of life.

Keywords: Incelmen’s mental healthonline interventionsresistance to mental health treatment


In couples: Largely divergent patterns of emotional expression that predict the long-term symptoms of psychopathology of men and women

Weber, D. M., Fischer, M. S., Baucom, D. H., Baucom, B. R. W., Engl, J., Thurmaier, F., Wojda, A. K., Carrino, E. A., & Hahlweg, K. (2022). For better or worse: Associations among psychopathology symptoms, interpersonal emotion dynamics, and gender in couples. Journal of Family Psychology, 36(2), 246–257. Feb 2022. https://doi.org/10.1037/fam0000881

Communication has long been associated with the well-being of a couple’s relationship, and it is also important to explore associations with individual well-being. This study examined the associations between emotions communicated within couple interactions and each partner’s psychopathology symptoms concurrently and up to 3 years later. Vocally-encoded emotional arousal (f₀) was measured during couples’ (N = 56) conversations. Analyses examined each partner’s trajectories of f₀ and how each partner influenced the other’s f₀ across the conversation. The findings indicated that women experienced higher symptoms if they (a) decreased more steeply in f₀ overall and (b) returned to their baseline in f₀ more quickly. Moreover, women had higher symptoms if they had a steeper return to baseline because of men’s elevated f₀. In contrast, men experienced higher symptoms when men (a) more slowly returned to baseline and (b) changed their f₀ trajectory because of women’s elevated f₀. That is, women who expressed less emotional arousal, independently and as a result of the influence of their male partner, experienced more symptoms. In contrast, men’s symptoms were differentially associated with their own independent experience of emotional arousal (in which he experienced fewer symptoms when changing arousal more quickly) from how they responded to women’s arousal. Given how differently men’s and women’s psychopathology were associated with emotional expression, these findings raise questions about how partners can communicate to protect their own and their partner’s mental health in the short- and long-term. 


Ocean acidification effect on fish: The vast majority of large effect studies tend to be characterized by low sample sizes, yet are published in high-impact journals & have a disproportionate influence on the field in terms of citations

Meta-analysis reveals an extreme “decline effect” in the impacts of ocean acidification on fish behavior. Jeff C. Clements, Josefin Sundin, Timothy D. Clark, Fredrik Jutfelt. PLoS Biology, February 3, 2022. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pbio.3001511

Abstract: Ocean acidification—decreasing oceanic pH resulting from the uptake of excess atmospheric CO2—has the potential to affect marine life in the future. Among the possible consequences, a series of studies on coral reef fish suggested that the direct effects of acidification on fish behavior may be extreme and have broad ecological ramifications. Recent studies documenting a lack of effect of experimental ocean acidification on fish behavior, however, call this prediction into question. Indeed, the phenomenon of decreasing effect sizes over time is not uncommon and is typically referred to as the “decline effect.” Here, we explore the consistency and robustness of scientific evidence over the past decade regarding direct effects of ocean acidification on fish behavior. Using a systematic review and meta-analysis of 91 studies empirically testing effects of ocean acidification on fish behavior, we provide quantitative evidence that the research to date on this topic is characterized by a decline effect, where large effects in initial studies have all but disappeared in subsequent studies over a decade. The decline effect in this field cannot be explained by 3 likely biological explanations, including increasing proportions of studies examining (1) cold-water species; (2) nonolfactory-associated behaviors; and (3) nonlarval life stages. Furthermore, the vast majority of studies with large effect sizes in this field tend to be characterized by low sample sizes, yet are published in high-impact journals and have a disproportionate influence on the field in terms of citations. We contend that ocean acidification has a negligible direct impact on fish behavior, and we advocate for improved approaches to minimize the potential for a decline effect in future avenues of research.


About one in three extremists reported being absolutely (i.e., 100%) certain of the correctness of their political beliefs, whereas about one in 15 non-extremists reported being absolutely certain

Absolute Certainty and Political Ideology: A Systematic Test of Curvilinearity. Thomas H. Costello, Shauna M. Bowes. Social Psychological and Personality Science, February 15, 2022. https://doi.org/10.1177/19485506211070410

Abstract: The present investigation examined curvilinear relations between political ideology, on the one hand, and absolute certainty and dogmatism, on the other, across six online samples (N = 2,889). Ideological extremists were more likely than others to be absolutely certain: About one in three extremists reported being absolutely (i.e., 100%) certain of the correctness of their political beliefs, whereas about one in 15 non-extremists reported being absolutely certain. Although absolute political certainty was relatively symmetrical across the political left and right, conservatives tended to report greater domain-general dogmatism than liberals. Extremism effects for domain-general dogmatism were also present, however; and ideological asymmetries in dogmatism appeared to be driven by social, rather than economic, ideology. Taken together, these findings underscore the complexity of relations between absolute certainty, dogmatism, and ideology, ultimately challenging the sufficiency of contemporary psychological accounts of ideological (a)symmetries to describe our complex political reality.

Keywords: dogmatism, extremism, certainty, political psychology, rigidity-of-the-right


On average, women’s experiences of sex are of substantially lower quality than men’s

Women Get Worse Sex: A Confound in the Explanation of Gender Differences in Sexuality. Terri D. Conley, Verena Klein. Perspectives on Psychological Science, Feb 16, 2022. https://doi.org/10.1177/17456916211041598

Abstract: Gender differences in sexuality have gained considerable attention both within and outside of the scientific community. We argue that one of the main unacknowledged reasons for these differences is simply that women experience substantially worse sex than men do. Thus, in examinations of the etiology of gender differences in sexuality, a confound has largely been unacknowledged: Women and men are treated to different experiences of what is called “sexuality” and “having sex.” We discuss four arenas in which women’s experience of sexuality may often be worse than men’s: (a) anatomical differences, (b) sexual violence, (c) stigma, and (d) masculine cultures of sexuality. Then we consider how each disparity might explain well-known gender differences in sexuality.

Keywords: gender differences, sexuality, stigma, inequality


Wednesday, February 16, 2022

Between 10.3 and 16.7% of the population meets the 7+  orgasms per week criterion for hypersexuality (a/k/a sex addiction)

Orgasm Frequency (Total Sexual Outlet) in a National American Sample. Joshua R. Peters, Lesleigh E. Pullman, Drew A. Kingston & Martin L. Lalumière . Archives of Sexual Behavior, Feb 14 2022. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10508-021-02241-z

Abstract: There has been renewed interest in the conceptualization and diagnosis of conditions marked by excessive sexuality. Researchers and clinicians have often utilized orgasm frequency (e.g., total sexual outlet) as an indicator of hypersexuality. Indeed, some have proposed seven or more (7+) orgasms by any means in a typical week as indicating hypersexuality. Most studies utilizing this criterion, however, have examined clinical or judicial samples of men, as opposed to general population samples. The purpose of the current study was to provide representative population data of total sexual outlet (TSO) for people varying in age, relationship status, and sex, while also examining the impact of the phrasing of the questions (i.e., time frame). A total of 1029 participants were recruited online via a Qualtrics panel, consisting of 442 males and 587 females, from diverse regions across the USA. Results indicated that between 10.3 and 16.7% of the sample met the 7+  criterion for hypersexuality, with considerable variation by age, relationship status, sex, and less variation by wording of the question. Results are discussed in terms of the applicability of the 7+ cut-off for identifying elevated TSO. Results from this survey could be useful to researchers and clinicians looking for comparison data for their research and clinical assessment results.


Rapid Decline in Life Satisfaction in Adolescence: Cross-national and Longitudinal Evidence in 43 countries

Daly, Michael. 2022. “Cross-national and Longitudinal Evidence for a Rapid Decline in Life Satisfaction in Adolescence.” PsyArXiv. February 15. psyarxiv.com/zdhe7.

Abstract

Introduction: While several studies have documented a declining-with-age trend in life satisfaction in adolescence, cross-national and nationally representative longitudinal evidence is needed to establish the normative trajectory of life satisfaction during this critical developmental period.

Methods: The Health Behaviour in School-Aged Children (HBSC) study of 10 to 16 year-olds included the Cantril Ladder life satisfaction measure in surveys of 43 countries between 2001 and 2014 (N = 752,620, 51% female). The UK Household Longitudinal Study (UKHLS) was used to assess within-person changes in life satisfaction from age 10 to 15 years among young people sampled between 2009 and 2018 (N = 8,952, Obs. = 30,278).

Results: Life satisfaction decreased by 0.61 standard deviations (SD) on average from ages 10-16 in the HBSC sample. A statistically significant decreasing-with-age trend was observed in each of the 43 countries examined. Females experienced a more pronounced decline in life satisfaction than males (0.75 SD vs. 0.46) on average, and a significantly larger decrease in life satisfaction among females was identified in 38 of 43 countries examined. Longitudinal analysis of adolescents from the UKHLS sample replicated this pattern: life satisfaction declined significantly by 0.5 SD between the ages of 10 and 15 and this decline was found to be steeper for females (0.76 SD) than males (0.23 SD).

Conclusions: The study findings enhance our understanding of the lifespan dynamics of life satisfaction and point to a potential universal decline in life satisfaction in adolescence. Understanding the developmental processes underlying this phenomenon will now be crucial.


In 1997, the Mexican government designed the conditional cash transfer program Progresa, which became the worldwide model of a new approach to social programs, simultaneously targeting human capital accumulation & poverty reduction

Maria Caridad Araujo, Karen Macours. Education, Income and Mobility: Experimental Impacts of Childhood Exposure to Progresa after 20 Years. 2021. ffhalshs-03364972. https://www.povertyactionlab.org/sites/default/files/research-paper/Education_Income_Mobility_2021.pdf

In 1997, the Mexican government designed the conditional cash transfer program Progresa, which became the worldwide model of a new approach to social programs, simultaneously targeting human capital accumulation and poverty reduction. A large literature has documented the short and medium-term impacts of the Mexican program and its successors in other countries. Using Progresa’s experimental evaluation design originally rolled out in 1997-2000, and a tracking survey conducted 20 years later, this paper studies the differential long-termimpacts of exposure to Progresa. We focus on two cohorts of children: i) those that during the period of differential exposure were in-utero or in the first years of life, and ii) those who during the period of differential exposure were transitioning from primary to secondary school. Results for the early childhood cohort, 18–20-year-old at endline, shows that differential exposure to Progresa during the early years led to positive impacts on educational attainment and labor income expectations. This constitutes unique long-term evidence on the returns of an at-scale intervention on investments in human capital during the first 1000 days of life. Results for the school cohort - in their early 30s at endline - show that the short-term impacts of differential exposure to Progresa on schooling were sustained in the long-run and manifested themselves in larger labor incomes, more geographical mobility including through international migration, and later family formation.

7. Conclusion

More than 20 years ago, Mexico was among the very first countries in the world to test an innovative model of social protection, with a redistributive, short-term goal of reducing poverty and inequality, while at the same time investing in the human capital of the next generation. It also was among the first countries to embrace evidence-based policy making building a large-scale and rigorous evaluation in the initial program design, which was instrumental to establish credible evidence of the short- and medium-term impacts of the program. These two innovations help explain why the Mexican conditional cash transfer model was later adopted by many other countries worldwide.

After more than 20 years of experience with conditional cash transfers, it is important to understand their longterm impacts. Did the short-term gains in human capital investments translate in sustainable improvements in education, labor market and life outcomes? This paper builds on the initial rigorous evaluation design of the first phase of Progresa in rural areas of seven central states of Mexico, to analyze whether experimental variation in exposure during critical ages in childhood led to long-term differential outcomes. Although such differential outcomes likely provide an underestimate of the total absolute effects, they can offer important proof-ofconcept regarding the existence of long-term effects of the program. Finding such differences, as we do in this paper, offers strong evidence that human capital investments facilitated by cash transfer programs are translated in improved outcomes in the beneficiaries’ lives 20 years later. The paper further highlights that understanding the long-term effects necessarily requires accounting for mobility of the beneficiaries, most of whom 20 years later have left their original households, often indeed moving far away from their villages.  Amongst individuals randomly assigned to Progresa in early childhood, having been exposed to Progresa 18 months earlier in life resulted in 0.4 years more schooling by the time they were 18-20 years old. Differential exposure to the program during early childhood led to an 8 percent increase in the likelihood of finishing secondary school, an 18 percent increase in that of finishing upper secondary school, and a 67 percent increase in obtaining university studies. Overall, earlier exposure led to a shift of the educational attainment distribution at all levels, with results being particularly strong for women. Additionally, and consistent with the educational outcomes, differential exposure to Progresa during early childhood increased expected labor income, especially for women. It also increased geographic mobility.

The cohort randomly exposed to the program when they were about to make the transition from primary to secondary school, rather than 18 months later, experienced an increase of 7 p.p. in the likelihood of finishing lower secondary school (9th grade) – with effects for women larger at 10 p.p. Earlier exposure translated into a 15 percent increase in annual labor income - 25 percent for women, and more geographic mobility. It increased the likelihood of international migration and of earning income abroad. Internal migration shifted towards small urban and semi-urban areas. Income gains are likely to come from beneficiaries’ ability to move to places with higher paying jobs, including in self-employment, because we found no significant changes in the probability of being economically active or in the type of occupation. These gains were concentrated on a subset of individuals, suggesting others did not overcome frictions in the labor market. Lastly, earlier exposure to the program delayed parenthood and household formation with about half a year (from a control mean of 21 years), but it did not change the probability of having children.

When evaluating the returns to education for Progresa beneficiaries, it is important to place their educational gains in the national context. Educational levels increased a lot in Mexico over this period, and for the same cohorts. Average schooling was higher at the national level than among individuals from the evaluation villages (consistent with the targeting of the program to marginal localities and poor households). Hence, any returns to education occur in a context where many others -with higher educational levels- were competing for jobs in the labor market. This is not unlike the situation of many other programs that increase schooling of poor children across the world, given the large gains in educational attainment in many low and middle-income countries. The higher income and shifts in trajectories may result not only from signaling or increased skills coming from more schooling but could also be explained by access to different networks and from attending school outside of the village which opened the path of geographic mobility. This too is likely to be relevant in many other low- and middle-income country settings.

In sum, this paper shows that conditional cash transfers in Mexico contributed to important gains in, and returns to human capital, both through exposure to the health and nutrition components very early in life, and through exposure to the educational component during the transition from primary to lower secondary school.  This finding is notable given that in 2019 the program was substantially transformed, eliminating the health and nutrition component of Prospera, and focusing grants on upper-secondary and tertiary education, while giving a more modest amount to families with children enrolled in preschool, primary or lower-secondary school.  More generally, the evidence in this paper is unique in showing experimental impacts at-scale 20 years after the start of nation-wide government program, and it does so for a social program that has been replicated across Latin America and many other parts of the world. These positive findings arguably re-emphasize the value of the initial innovations of the CCT approach, especially as the differential results are likely an underestimate of the total absolute effects. At the same time, the results reveal important heterogeneity in outcomes: while a subset of beneficiaries was able to use the opportunities provided by the program to substantially improve educational and labor market outcomes (including through international migration), others may have benefitted less. These results both confirm the fundamental strengths of the initial CCT approach, but also point to a need for complementary policies to allow more households to bear the full fruit of increased opportunities. Finally, the results on early childhood exposure not only highlight the returns to the nutrition and health components of the CCT, but more generally provide unique large-scale long-term evidence on the returns to investments in human capital in the early years of life.

 

The precarious masculinity of firearm ownership

Borgogna, N. C., McDermott, R. C., & Brasil, K. M. (2022). The precarious masculinity of firearm ownership. Psychology of Men & Masculinities. Feb 2022. https://doi.org/10.1037/men0000386

Abstract: Men are more likely than women to harm themselves and others with firearms. Central to this problem is men’s interest in owning firearms. The precarious manhood paradigm (PMP; Vandello et al., 2008) suggests that masculinity is tenuous and must be outwardly displayed. We conducted a PMP-informed experiment to test whether threats to masculinity were associated with increased interest in owning firearms. Community participants in the United States (Men n = 388, Women n = 243) completed an online “marketing survey” and were then given false personality feedback profiles. All feedback was standardized with exception of the masculinity/femininity profile. Men were randomly assigned to a masculinity threat (masculinity reported as below average; MThreat, n = 131), boost (masculinity reported as above average; MBoost, n = 129), and control (masculinity reported as average; MControl, n = 128) conditions. Women were randomly assigned to a femininity threat (n = 84), boost (n = 87), and control (n = 72) conditions (conditions were identical except women received femininity threats/boosts). Participants were then asked about their interest in owning various firearms. MThreat participants reported significantly higher interest in owning every firearm shown compared to MControl participants, and significantly more interest than MBoost participants for half of the firearms. No differences in firearm interest were evident between MBoost and MControl conditions. No differences in firearm interest were evident across all conditions in the women sample. All participants were then debriefed. Results suggest men’s desire to own firearms maybe connected to masculine insecurities. Efforts should be made to socially defuse the masculinity-firearm connection. Further research implications and limitations are discussed.

Check also Precarious Manhood Beliefs in 62 Nations. Bosson, Jennifer K. et al. Accepted Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, Feb 2021. Final version Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, March 4, 2021. https://www.bipartisanalliance.com/2021/02/precarious-manhood-beliefs-in-62.html

And Women who earned more than their male partners—thereby making them feel insecure for being the "primary breadwinner"—were 2x as likely to fake orgasms than those who didn’t make more money than their partners:

Do Women Withhold Honest Sexual Communication When They Believe Their Partner’s Manhood is Threatened? Jessica A. Jordan et al. Social Psychological and Personality Science, January 31, 2022. https://www.bipartisanalliance.com/2022/02/women-who-earned-more-than-their-male.html

Tuesday, February 15, 2022

Prospective personality-outcome associations, even over decades, were quite robust—across studies, personality characteristics, outcomes, moderators, and covariates; personality characteristics are robustly associated of life outcomes

Beck, E. D., & Jackson, J. J. (2022). A mega-analysis of personality prediction: Robustness and boundary conditions. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 122(3), 523–553. Feb 2022. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspp0000386

Abstract: Decades of studies identify personality traits as prospectively associated with life outcomes. However, previous investigations of personality characteristic-outcome associations have not taken a principled approach to covariate use or other sampling strategies to ensure the robustness of personality-outcome associations. The result is that it is unclear (a) whether personality characteristics are associated with important outcomes after accounting for a range of background variables, (b) for whom and when personality-outcome associations hold, and (c) that background variables are most important to account for. The present study examines the robustness and boundary conditions of personality-outcome associations using prospective Big Five associations with 14 health, social, education/work, and societal outcomes across eight different person- and study-level moderators using individual participant data from 171,395 individuals across 10 longitudinal panel studies in a mega-analytic framework. Robustness and boundary conditions were systematically tested using two approaches: propensity score matching and specification curve analysis. Three findings emerged: First, personality characteristics remain robustly associated with later life outcomes. Second, the effects generalize, as there are few moderators of personality-outcome associations. Third, robustness was differential across covariate choice in nearly half of the tested models, with the inclusion or exclusion of some of these flipping the direction of association. In summary, personality characteristics are robustly associated with later life outcomes with few moderated associations. However, researchers still need to be careful in their choices of covariates. We discuss how these findings can inform studies of personality-outcome associations, as well as recommendations for covariate inclusion.


Teaching About Sex and Gender in Neuroscience: More Than Meets the "XY"

Casto, Kathleen V., Elizabeth Leininger, and Taralyn Tan. 2022. “Teaching About Sex and Gender in Neuroscience: More Than Meets the "XY".” PsyArXiv. February 10. psyarxiv.com/qc492

Abstract: Offering courses on the neuroscience of sex and gender can help support an inclusive curriculum in neuroscience. At the same time, developing and teaching such courses can be daunting to even the most enthusiastic educators, given the subject’s complexities, nuances, and the difficult conversations that it invites. The authors of this article have all developed and taught such courses from different perspectives. Our aim is to provide educators with an overview of important conceptual topics as well as a comprehensive, but non-exhaustive, guide to resources for teaching about sex/gender in neuroscience based on our collective experience teaching courses on the topic. After defining vital terminology and briefly reviewing the biology of sex and sex determination, we describe some common topics within the field and contrast our current nuanced understandings from outdated misconceptions in the field. We review how (mis)representation of the neuroscience of sex/gender serves as a case study for how scientific results are communicated and disseminated. We consider how contextualization of sex/gender neuroscience research within a broader historical and societal framework can give students a wider perspective on the enterprise of science. Finally, we conclude with a brief discussion on how to choose learning goals for your course and implementation notes.


Does Democracy Make Taller Men? Cross-Country European Evidence

Does Democracy Make Taller Men? Cross-Country European Evidence. Alberto Batinti, Joan Costa-Font. Economics & Human Biology, February 15 2022, 101117. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ehb.2022.101117

Highlights

• Study whether a democracy improves a measure of individual wellbeing; human heights.

• Drawing on individual-level datasets, we test the hypothesis using a battery of eight different measures of democracy and derived averages

• We document that democracy - or its quality during early childhood - shows a strong and positive conditional correlation with male, but not female, adult stature.

• Preferred estimates suggest that being born in a democracy increases average male stature from a minimum of 1.33 to a maximum of 2.4 cm.

• An additional contribution when democracy increases furtherly during adolescent years, and when we adopt measures of existing democratic capital before birth and at the end of height plasticity in early adulthood.

• We also find that democracy is associated with a reduction in inequality of heights distribution.

• We find period-heterogeneity in our results, with early democratizations being more effective on heights than later ones. Results are robust to the inclusion/exclusion of countries exposed to communism.

Abstract: We study whether a democracy improves a measure of individual wellbeing; human heights. Drawing on individual-level datasets, we test the hypothesis using a battery of eight different measures of democracy and derived averages, and include models accounting for several confounders, regional and cohort fixed effects. We document that democracy - or its quality during early childhood - shows a strong and positive conditional correlation with male, but not female, adult stature. Our preferred estimates suggest that being born in a democracy increases average male stature from a minimum of 1.33 to a maximum of 2.4 cm. We also show a positive association when democracy increases from childhood to adolescence, and when we adopt measures of existing democratic capital before birth, and at the end of height plasticity in early adulthood. We also find that democracy is associated with a reduction in inequality of heights distribution. We finally find evidence of period-heterogeneity, namely, early democratizations are associated with taller people more than later ones. Results are robust to the inclusion of countries exposed to communism.

JEL I18 P2

Keywords: democracywellbeinghuman heightswaves of democratisationcommunismEuropesurvey data


Sexual Behaviors Reported by a US Survey vs. Depictions of Sex in Male–Female Pornography: Kissing, male orgasm, female orgasm, and condom use were significantly less prevalent in the videos videos than in real experience

Porn Sex versus Real Sex: Sexual Behaviors Reported by a U.S. Probability Survey Compared to Depictions of Sex in Mainstream Internet-Based Male–Female Pornography. Niki Fritz, Vinny Malic, Tsung-chieh Fu, Bryant Paul, Yanyan Zhou, Brian Dodge, J. Dennis Fortenberry & Debby Herbenick. Archives of Sexual Behavior, Feb 14 2022. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10508-021-02175-6

Abstract: Using data from a 2014 U.S. nationally representative probability survey and a 2014 content analysis of 2562 male–female videos from two popular pornographic websites, this study aimed to: (1) compare the prevalence of survey respondents’ event-level sexual behaviors with those depicted in mainstream pornography online videos; (2) compare event-level condom use with condom use prevalence in pornographic videos; (3) compare event-level orgasm with prevalence of orgasms in pornographic videos; and (4) assess whether respondents’ partnered use of pornography was associated with the sexual behaviors in which they report engaging. We found that kissing, male orgasm, female orgasm, and condom use were significantly less prevalent in the pornographic videos than in survey respondents’ most recent sexual experiences. Conversely, penile–anal intercourse and fellatio were significantly more prevalent in the pornographic videos than in participants’ reports of their most recent sexual experience. There were no significant differences between the prevalence of cunnilingus or sex toy use represented in the videos as compared to survey respondents’ reports. Finally, we found that individuals who reported partnered pornography use during their most recent sexual experience were more likely to report having engaged in oral sex, penile–anal intercourse, and sex toy use and were also more likely to report female orgasm during their most recent sexual experience.

Discussion

This study’s results suggest notable differences between the sexual behaviors portrayed in free mainstream male–female pornographic videos and the sexual behaviors reported at participants’ most recent sexual event in a recent US nationally representative survey, the 2014 NSSHB. In general, the sex depicted in pornography appears to be less focused on intimacy or affection, more focused on male sexual pleasure (but not necessarily orgasm) including more often depicting penile–anal intercourse and fellatio, and less often depicting kissing, condom use, and female orgasm. This divergence between real life sex and sex depicted in mainstream pornography may reflect the fact that mainstream pornography has mostly been created for men, and often by men, and for the specific role of a perceived and rather limited male fantasy (Jensen, 2007). Much of mainstream pornography continues to be made within the narrow confines of what is sometimes described as male fantasy, thus persistently recreating a relatively narrow range of pornographic sexual scripts that diverge from the sexual realities of most Americans. This is perhaps not surprising given that a common motivation of pornography use is fantasy (and facilitation of masturbation and ejaculation) and men are more often consumers of pornography. However, it may be concerning that the fantasy of pornography is reinforced for men, while there are few avenues for other more realistic sexual scripts given the lack of quality sex education (Rabbitte & Enriquez, 2018).

Although many sexuality education programs remain focused on abstinence-only education (SIECUS, 2021), these findings provide an empirical base for both comprehensive sexual education and pornography literacy educational programs. While these programs have often assumed differences between porn and real-life sexual behaviors, the present study provides empirical data to contextualize both pornographic videos as well as those described by survey participants. For example, this study found a sizable gap between how often kissing is shown in male–female pornographic videos (25% of the time) compared to 2014 NSSHB respondents’ event-level sexual repertoires (88% of the time). It is not clear why kissing is uncommonly depicted in pornography. After all, kissing is a common way of initiating sexual activities (Byers & Heinlein, 1989; Clarke, 2006; O’Sullivan & Byers, 1992). Kissing during sex is also one of the highest rated behaviors in terms of appeal, with about 86.0% of both women and men in a 2015 US nationally representative study rating it as very or somewhat appealing (Herbenick et al., 2017). Kissing has been associated with sexual satisfaction, relationship satisfaction, emotional intimacy, sexual pleasure, and arousal, as well as postcoital affection (Herbenick et al., 2019; Hughes & Kruger, 2011; Kruger & Hughes, 2010; Muise et al., 2014). That said, kissing is not universally included in partnered sexual behaviors in the USA and, when absent, a common reason (especially for younger people) has been that kissing would have felt too intimate of a behavior with a particular partner (Herbenick et al., 2019). Thus, the dearth of kissing in male–female pornographic videos may be an intentional marker of non-relational or less intimate sex. Alternatively, the lack of kissing may reflect stereotypes about men (who more often view pornography) as not being interested in kissing, intimacy, or romance, thereby underestimating how appealing most men (like most women) find kissing. Pornography literacy programs might utilize these findings as part of class discussions about gendered myths and stereotypes about preferences for kissing and other affectionate behaviors.

Another important area of discrepancy is pornographic depictions of oral sex in and of themselves, as well as compared with respondents’ reports. Specifically, we found that fellatio was depicted in the videos more than twice as often as cunnilingus. This is consistent with earlier research demonstrating that sexual behaviors that prioritize male sexual pleasure (such as fellatio) are more often shown in pornography compared to sexual behaviors (such as cunnilingus) that focus on female sexual pleasure (Bridges et al., 2010). In fact, in this study, occurrences of fellatio were as prevalent as depictions of penile–vaginal intercourse (66% vs. 65%, respectively). While fellatio tends to be reported more often than cunnilingus among adolescents and young adults, this gender gap appears smaller among middle age cohorts (Herbenick et al., 2010; Woods et al., 2016), and consistent with our findings. Notably, both male and female orgasm were depicted less often in pornography in comparison with survey participants’ reports, though male orgasm was still depicted in pornography scenes three times as often as female orgasm (36% vs. 12% scenes, respectively). The most likely explanation for the low prevalence of orgasms included in scenes—even in contrast to older pornographic images from DVDs or videotapes—is that contemporary Internet-based pornographic scenes tend to be cut into much shorter scenes taken from longer videos. Yet, findings are generally consistent with prior content analyses of pornography (Klaassen & Peter, 2015) as well as past population-level studies of sexual behavior that have found male orgasm to be more prevalent than female orgasm in male–female partnered sex (Herbenick et al., 2010). These findings may be useful for clinicians to use in support of clients who are working to understand how to create more equitable and reciprocal sexual partnerships; they may also be useful for sexuality educators in addressing gendered experiences of sex in and outside of pornographic imagery.

Although depicted less frequently than kissing or oral sex, penile–anal intercourse occurred in almost 1 in 5 pornographic scenes, which is significantly higher than the 4% of survey participants who reported penile–anal intercourse in their most recent sexual encounter. An examination of research on anal sex behaviors demonstrates that while many US adults (about 40%) have engaged in anal sex ever in their lives, far fewer engage in it with much frequency or even rate it as appealing—that is, at least among those identifying as heterosexual or reporting other-sex partners (Herbenick et al., 20102017; McBride & Fortenberry, 2010). Clinicians and educators (particularly those who integrate media literacy into their teaching) might find these data support discussions about what people perceive as “common” or even nearly ubiquitous behaviors and why. Although beyond the scope of this paper, it is important to note that pornography literacy programs should be sexually inclusive and discuss the social norms surrounding penile–anal intercourse for men who have sex with men, for whom anal sex is more commonly and more frequently reported in US probability surveys (Dodge et al., 2016). Our study findings collectively support inquiry into how people learn about sex, including which sexual behaviors are rare or common or may be anticipated by potential sexual partners, especially in a culture that drastically limits school-based sexuality education.

Regarding condom use, we found that only 3% of video scenes showed a condom being used, consistent with prior research about condom use in heterosexual films (Grudzen et al., 2009). Yet, more than six times as many survey participants reported having used a condom during their most recent intercourse event. As for why condom use is so rarely depicted in pornographic videos, some producers have expressed concern that showing condom application or use would not be liked by the largely male viewership (e.g., might be a turn-off). However, a study of 213 undergraduate men found substantial support for condoms being used in pornography (Kraus & Rosenberg, 2016), suggesting ways for producers of pornography to provide content their viewers indicate wanting to see. This is important given recent increases in STIs in the USA, including evidence of the novel coronavirus-19 in feces and conflicting evidence of its presence in semen (Li et al., 2020; Machado et al., 2021; Nouri-Vaskeh & Alizadeh, 2020; Song et al., 2020). In contrast, a recent study of gay male pornography found that while 34% of scenes depicted unprotected penile–anal sex, 36% of scenes depicted penile–anal sex with a condom (Downing et al., 2014), suggesting a different standard, cultural norm, and safe sex script within heterosexual versus gay pornography.

Dyadic Pornography Use

Examining how partnered pornography consumption may be associated with sexual behaviors, this study found that individuals who consumed pornography with their partner before or during sex reported engaging in significantly more fellatio and penile–anal intercourse, two sexual behaviors more frequently depicted in pornography compared to real life. This finding is in line with Wright’s (2011) model of sexual socialization; partners who watch pornography together may experience more script–situation correspondence and thus may be more likely to follow scripts in pornography. Particularly considering penile–anal intercourse, one quarter of survey respondents who consumed pornography together with their partner also reported engaging in anal sex with that partner. Given that this sexual behavior is infrequently enacted between women and men, perhaps couples who consume pornography together are more familiar with seeing anal sex, which is depicted in about one in five pornographic scenes. Alternatively, couples who have a broader sexual repertoire (one that more often includes anal sex) may also be more likely to watch pornography with a partner. It is also unknown to what extent the anal intercourse, for example, was fully wanted or enjoyed by both partners. It is possible that some portion of these anal sex events occurred as a result of gendered power imbalances, pressure or coercion, which is frequently noted in research on women’s experiences with penile–anal intercourse (Fahs et al., 2015; Hess et al., 2013; Kaestle, 2009; Rogala & Tydén, 2003). Subsequent research might examine to what extent partnered viewing of pornography and anal sex (as well as other kinds of sex) are associated due to perceived pressure as compared to reasons such as curiosity, desire, and/or pleasure.

Regarding the findings on partnered pornography use, however, some findings did not completely align with theoretical predictions. For example, individuals who reported partnered pornography use were also more likely to report both cunnilingus and female orgasm. While cunnilingus was portrayed less frequently than fellatio in pornographic scenes, it was depicted in similar rates to survey participants’ reports. Yet for individuals who consumed pornography with their partner, almost 50% reported engaging in cunnilingus. Perhaps related, more individuals who watched pornography with their partner also reported female orgasm (87% vs. 64%). Research does suggest that, for women, cunnilingus is related to orgasm (Andrejek & Fetner, 2019). Instead of simply mimicking depicted behaviors, couples may be engaging in a wider variety of sexual behaviors, which has been associated with greater likelihood of orgasm (Herbenick et al., 2010). As Weinberg et al. (2010) found, pornography may normalize previously unknown sexual behaviors such as cunnilingus or empower couples to explore other behaviors. From the female partner’s perspective, one study found that women who consumed pornography were more easily aroused during partnered sex compared to those who did not view pornography (McNabney et al., 2020). Indeed, viewing pornography with a partner may allow women the opportunity to share their own desires and possibly expand their sexual repertoire to include sexual behaviors focused on clitoral or vulvar stimulation. While pornography depictions do appear to favor male pleasure, it appears that individuals’ partnered use of pornography is also associated with sexual behaviors commonly associated with female sexual pleasure and orgasm.

Notably, there was no difference reported in kissing between those who reported dyadic pornography use and those who did not. This suggests that couples’ pornography use may not lead to a less intimate experience even though kissing is rarely included in pornographic videos. While prior research suggests pornography consumption by individuals is associated with lower levels of couples’ sexual and relationship satisfaction, our research suggests that co-viewing pornography may be a part of, or even facilitate, couples’ sexual exploration and female pleasure. It may be that co-viewing pornography allows couples to talk about sexual desires or negotiate sex in a way that separate viewing of pornography does not. Subsequent research might examine how sexual partners initiate co-viewing, how they feel about it, and the extent to which they feel it contributes to their experiences of sexual pleasure, thus addressing an important gap in research (McKee et al., 2021).

Strengths and Limitations

The present study is marked by several strength and limitations. A significant strength of this research is the sampling. This study used a content analysis of randomly sampled male–female pornographic videos from two popular tube sites and analyzed data from a US nationally representative probability survey to examine male–female partnered sexual behaviors in the general population. Data collection occurred close in time with the videos sampled in Fall 2013 and Spring 2014 and the survey administered in Fall/Winter 2014. The sheer number of videos sampled (2562) makes the present content analysis one of the largest conducted to date. However, the pornography sample came from only two websites which, while highly trafficked, may have yielded different behavioral data than if other websites had been sampled. Additionally, the online videos are generally shorter than full length pornographic DVDs, and thus, caution should be exercised in comparing this study’s findings to earlier research that used full-length scenes from DVDs or videotapes for the level of analysis.

Regarding the US probability survey, it was (like most US nationally representative surveys) limited to non-institutionalized individuals who were able to read and respond to questions in the English language. The size of certain subsample groups, such as individuals reporting dyadic pornography together, was relatively low. Any conclusions drawn from analysis of such data must acknowledge the lack of statistical power involved when undertaking certain comparisons. The present analysis is also limited to male–female videos and male–female partnered sex; subsequent work might examine similar research questions with different gender compositions (including male–male, female–female, transgender individuals, group sex, etc.) for video content analyses as well as adults’ survey responses.

Monday, February 14, 2022

People See Political Opponents as More Stupid Than Evil

Hartman, Rachel, Neil Hester, and Kurt Gray. 2022. “People See Political Opponents as More Stupid Than Evil.” PsyArXiv. February 14. psyarxiv.com/5q7aj

Abstract: Affective polarization is a rising threat to political discourse and democracy. Public figures have expressed that “conservatives think liberals are stupid, and liberals think conservatives are evil." However, four studies (N=1,660)—including a representative sample—reveal evidence that both sides view political opponents as more unintelligent than immoral. Perceiving the other side as “more stupid than evil” occurs both in general judgments (studies 1, 3, and 4) and regarding specific issues (Study 2). Study 4 also examines “meta-perceptions” of how Democrats and Republicans disparage one another, revealing that people correctly perceive that both Democrats and Republicans see each other as more unintelligent than immoral, although they exaggerate the extent of this negativity. These studies clarify the way everyday partisans view each other, an important step in designing effective interventions to reduce political animosity.


Many people follow a species-relativist principle, that individuals of all species should favor their own conspecifics; even extraterrestrials should prioritize their own over humans

Caviola, Lucius, Stefan Schubert, Guy Kahane, and Nadira S. Faber. 2022. “Humans First: Why People Value Animals Less Than Humans.” PsyArXiv. February 14. psyarxiv.com/x42v6

Abstract: People routinely give humans moral priority over other animals. Is such moral anthropocentrism based in perceived differences in mental capacity between humans and non-humans or merely because humans favor other members of their own species? We investigated this question in six studies (N = 2,217). We found that most participants prioritized humans over animals even when the animals were described as having equal or more advanced mental capacities than the humans. This applied to both mental capacity at the level of specific individuals (Studies 1a-b) and at the level typical for the respective species (Study 2). The key driver behind moral anthropocentrism was thus mere species-membership (speciesism). However, all else equal, participants still gave more moral weight to individuals with higher mental capacities (individual mental capacity principle), suggesting that the belief that humans have higher mental capacities than animals is part of the reason that they give humans moral priority. Notably, participants found mental capacity more important for animals than for humans—a tendency which can itself be regarded speciesist. We also explored possible sub-factors driving speciesism. We found that many participants judged that all individuals (not only humans) should prioritize members of their own species over members of other species (species-relativism; Studies 3a-b). However, some participants also exhibited a tendency to see humans as having superior value in an absolute sense (pro-human species-absolutism, Studies 3-4). Overall, our work demonstrates that speciesism plays a central role in explaining moral anthropocentrism and may be itself divided in multiple sub-factors.


Sunday, February 13, 2022

The Puzzle of Falling US Birth Rates since the Great Recession

The Puzzle of Falling US Birth Rates since the Great Recession. Melissa S. Kearney, Phillip B. Levine, and Luke Pardue. Journal of Economic Perspectives, Volume 36, Number 1, Winter 2022, Pages 151–176. https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/pdfplus/10.1257/jep.36.1.151

Abstract: Between 1980 and 2007, US birth rates generally fluctuated within a narrow range of roughly 65 to 70 births per 1,000 women between ages 15 and 44. Since then, US birth rates have plummeted, reaching 55.8 per 1,000 women in 2020—about a 20 percent decline over 13 years. Figure 1 plots the trend in the US birth rates. The decline began at the onset of the Great Recession and continued during the ensuing recovery, with no signs of reversing. This paper considers possible suspects behind the falling birth rates. We begin with a detailed look at birth rates by demographic groups defined by age, education, race and ethnicity, marital status, and birth parity. A detailed examination by group might offer some preliminary clues as to what types of factors might be responsible for the aggregate trend. While the decline is concentrated among women in the under-30 age group, the decline is generally widespread across demographic subgroups, which gives reason to suspect that the dominant explanation for the aggregate decline is likely to be multifaceted or society-wide. We see no indication in the data that there is likely to be a reversal of these trends in the near future.



That consumers derive greater happiness from experiences than from material possessions lets one significant fact go unnoticed: Some of the most satisfying experiences combine elements of both domains; there is no inherent tradeoff

What Makes People Happy? Decoupling the Experiential-Material Continuum. Evan Weingarten et al. Journal of Consumer Psychology, February 2022. https://doi.org/10.1002/jcpy.1291

Abstract: Extant literature suggests that consumers derive more happiness from experiences (e.g., vacations) than from material possessions (e.g., furniture). However, this literature typically pits material against experiential consumption, treating them as a single bipolar construct of their relative dominance: more material or more experiential. This focus on relative dominance leaves unanswered questions regarding how different levels of material and experiential qualities each contribute to happiness. Four preregistered studies (N = 3,288), using hundreds of product categories, measured levels of material and experiential qualities using two unipolar items. These studies investigate recalled, evoked, and anticipated happiness. Results show a more nuanced view of the experiential advantage that is critical for future research and consumer theory: material and experiential qualities both have positive relationships with happiness. Further, there is no inherent tradeoff between experiential and material qualities: consumers can enjoy consumption that is high on both (e.g., swimming pools and home improvements).


Saturday, February 12, 2022

What does it mean to be (seen as) human? The importance of gender in humanization

Martin, A. E., & Mason, M. F. (2022). What does it mean to be (seen as) human? The importance of gender in humanization. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Feb 2022. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspa0000293

Abstract: What does it mean to be (seen as) human? Ten studies explore this age-old question and show that gender is a critical feature of perceiving humanness, being more central to conceptions of humanness than other social categories (race, age, sexual orientation, religion, disability). Our first six studies induce humanization (i.e., anthropomorphism) and measure social-category ascription. Across different manipulations (e.g., having participants recall experiences, observe moving shapes, imagine nonhuman entities as people, and create a human form), we find that gender is the most strongly ascribed social category and the one that uniquely predicts humanization. To provide further evidence that gender is central to conceptions of personhood, and to examine the consequences of withholding it, we then demonstrate that removing gender from virtual humans (Study 5), human groups (Study 6), alien species (Study 7), and individuals (Study 8) leads them to be seen as less human. The diminished humanness ascribed to nongendered and genderless targets is due, at least in part, to the lack of a gender schema to guide facile and efficient sensemaking. The relative difficulty perceivers had in making sense of nongendered targets predicted diminished humanness ratings. Finally, we demonstrate downstream consequences of stripping a target of gender: Perceivers consider them less relatable and more socially distant (Study 8). These results have theoretical implications for research on gender, (de)humanization, anthropomorphism, and social cognition, more broadly.


We report a previously unidentified difference emotional regulation styles, with conservatives reporting a healthier approach to emotion regulation via cognitive reappraisal strategies; found more negative mood states among political liberals

David L. Dickinson, 2022. "Political ideology predicts mood and emotion regulation. Examining potential pathways to key life outcomes," Working Papers 22-03, Department of Economics, Appalachian State University. https://ideas.repec.org/p/apl/wpaper/22-03.html

Abstract: Previous research has identified importance differences in key life outcomes between political conservatives and liberals (e.g., happiness, academic success, involvement in crime). Potential mechanisms suggested in the literature have included self-control or personality traits that may systematically differ by political ideology. We preregistered plans to test for “dark” personality trait and self-control differences in political conservatives and liberals, with aims to replicate previously reported findings. We also examined differences in cognitive reflection style and emotion regulation. Three survey waves were obtained from an initial pool of U.S. participants (n=650 initial respondents, n=498 in Wave 2, n=402 in Wave 3) split roughly equally across political conservatives and liberals. We report a consistent null effect of political ideology on selfcontrol, and dark personality traits, in contrast to previous studies. Our data show higher cognitive reflection tendencies among those who are more politically liberal, consistent with past research. However, we report a previously unidentified difference emotional regulation styles, with conservatives reporting a healthier approach to emotion regulation via cognitive reappraisal strategies. Finally, a common mood elicitation in each of the three studies consistently reveals significantly more negative mood states among political liberals. Together, these findings suggest that mood and mood regulation may be a more important mechanism towards understanding preferred outcome differences in conservatives compared to liberals.

Key Words: self-control, political ideology, individual differences, mood regulation, dark personality


Gender Differences in Motives and Emotional Outcomes Following Casual Sex: No predictors (apart from being a man) were found for a positive emotional outcome

Was it Good for You? Gender Differences in Motives and Emotional Outcomes Following Casual Sex. Billie E. McKeen, Ryan C. Anderson & David A. Mitchell. Sexuality & Culture, Feb 11 2022. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s12119-022-09946-w

Abstract: Casual sex, also referred to as a hookup, has been associated with a range of negative emotional outcomes for women, including regret, anxiety, depression and social stigma. However, it has been argued that it is the nature of the sexual motivation, not gender that influences the emotional outcome. This study was designed to ascertain what motivates people to have casual sex, what emotional outcomes follow casual sex and whether there are gender differences among these variables. Seven hundred and one participants (47% men and 52.8% women) completed a 44-item online survey. Gender differences were found for both sexual motivations and emotional outcomes of casual sex, with women generally having more negative emotional outcomes than men. Additionally, a principal components analysis uncovered four reliable principal motivations underlying engagement in casual sex, and three principal emotional outcomes of casual sex. Predictors of negative emotional outcomes included being motivated to regulate negative emotions and to achieve positive emotions. No predictors (apart from being a man) were found for a positive emotional outcome. While the stigma surrounding female sexual agency is diminishing, results generally support the presence of a sexual double-standard which encourages male promiscuity but dissuades female sexual autonomy.

Discussion

It was hypothesised that there would be gender differences in motivations and emotional outcomes relating to casual sex. These hypotheses were supported, with overall gender differences for both, and a number of strong gender differences for individual items. Furthermore, when reduced to discrete factors, motivations predicted emotional outcomes.

Gender Differences in Motivations and Outcomes

Although there was an overall gender difference in the motivations for casual sex, it is noteworthy that men and women similarly endorsed statements such as ‘I had a hookup for personal enjoyment/fun’. Such findings support the idea that social stigma surrounding women’s sexual agency is diminishing. There was also a significant overall gender difference in emotional outcomes following casual sex, and differences for 11 of the 13 individual outcome items. Women reported significantly more negative emotional outcomes than men, including loneliness, unhappiness, rejection, regret, general negative feelings, and a perception of negative judgment from others. Conversely, men reported greater sexual satisfaction, happiness, self-confidence, contentment, and mood improvement. Each of these findings is consistent with the general idea that men experience some kind of emotional enhancement from engaging in casual sex, but for women the emotional effect is reductive. While the statistical effect-size of the gender difference here was reasonably small (ηp2 = 0.08), it is worth noting that of the 11 items indicating a gender difference, women reported a greater agreement to 6, while the reverse was true for five, thus the average difference misrepresents the more nuanced story.

Women reported significantly more regret, loneliness, unhappiness, rejection and negative feelings about one’s self in comparison to men following their most recent hookup experience. It is important to note that this finding is consistent with research from an evolutionary perspective, which suggests that women experience more regret than men because short-term sexual relationships are considered less advantageous for women’s reproductive success, and conversely, advantageous for men’s reproductive success (Galperin et al., 2013; Kennair et al., 2018). However, the item that loaded on the same factor as all of these items was ‘concern about being negatively judged by others’ which supports the sexual double standard from a social psychological perspective (Eagly & Wood, 1999).

Within Western culture, women are supposedly empowered and gender equality regulations are in place to enhance equality in opportunities, however, the findings of this investigation suggest that women do not experience casual sex in the same way as men. Women reported more concern about being negatively judged by others after engaging in casual sex than men. There is a risk of social stigma, namely slut shaming leading to social isolation for women, marking them as lower in status and less deserving of respect with the risk of social isolation, poor reputation and negative emotions (Armstrong et al., 2014).

Western culture supports gender equality, and levels of sexual permissiveness are arguably becoming more liberal. Engagement in casual sex is becoming increasingly acceptable, and it is noteworthy that the modest effect sizes in gender differences reported here may suggest that the disparity is decreasing, but the risk of experiencing negative emotional outcomes is still considerably greater for women than it is for men (Armstrong et al., 2014). Men are rarely threatened with social repercussions in the same way that women are, therefore expressing sexual autonomy is arguably less prohibitive for them (Farvid et al., 2017).

While the current study reported considerable gender differences in emotional outcomes, dissimilar findings of a minimal or null effect may be an artefact of methodological inconsistency. Vrangalova (2015) used a sample of young adults enrolled in higher education, however, the current sample was more heterogeneous, and inclusive of adults from more diverse backgrounds with ages ranging from 18 to 82.

Motivations Predicting Emotional Outcomes

The motivation to regulate negative emotions accounted for most of the variance in the data, suggesting that many individuals engage in casual sex in an effort to regulate their negative emotions. This motivation was also predictive of negative emotional outcomes. Having casual sex to manage feelings of loneliness, misery, unhappiness and irritability may lead to negative emotional outcomes, including feelings of regret, rejection, unhappiness, loneliness, negative feelings towards one’s self, and concern about being negatively judged by others. Although, the non-causal nature of the relationship bears mention, it may just be that a negative mindset is associated with both problematic motivations for and outcomes of casual sex.

We did not find a motivation that predicted positive emotional outcomes. It may simply be that a positive emotional outcome following casual sex is too difficult to reliably predict with only a small (unnuanced) set of variables, or that the more likely outcome of casual sex may be the reduction of something negative as opposed to the addition of something positive. However, the motivation, to achieve positive emotions, was found to predict neutral emotional outcomes. This may suggest that having sex for personal gratification, enjoyment, or fun can lead to an unchanged mood and feelings remaining the same.

Strengths, Limitations and Recommendations for Future Research

While the theme of gender differences in attitudes toward casual sex is by no means a new one, we believe that the current study is unique in a number of ways. For one, many studies in this area recruit younger (college-aged) samples. The sample of the current study, recruited via social media, was heterogeneous (and hence more generalizable) in terms of both age and ethnicity. Additionally, few studies have previously attempted to quantify the relationship between emotional motivations for and the emotional outcomes of casual sex.

In the current study participants were asked to refer to their most recent hookup experience but were not asked when this experience occurred. Future studies may wish to quantify this in order to determine whether the passage of time has an impact on emotional outcomes (or perception thereof). It is reasonable to suggest that as time passes since one’s last hookup experience, the strength of the emotions associated with the event may be tempered by temporal distance. Future studies may also benefit from measuring an individual’s sociosexual orientation and general wellbeing as both may be important control variables. For example, an individual that exclusively seeks short-term mating opportunities and/or is psychologically unwell is presumably motivated to engage in sexual behaviour for different reasons than a more stable, relationship oriented person.

The current study clearly defined the term ‘hookup’, based on previous research in the area (Napper et al., 2016; Owen et al., 2011). Defining the term for participants was an important component of the study, to ensure that participants were referring to the same range of sexual behaviours. Research on this phenomenon is methodologically inconsistent and often uses vague definitions for casual sex, such as “use whatever term you use with your friends” (Uecker & Martinez, 2017) and “sexual behavior occurring outside of long-term romantic relationships” (Vrangalova, 2015). However, the frequency with which an individual engaged in casual sex was not measured. Future research may wish to do so as emotions associated with a behaviour (especially highly valent ones) may well be enhanced as the frequency of said behaviour increases.

While the current study compared those who identify as male to those who identify as female, it neglected to gather information regarding transgenderism and gender identities beyond the traditional binary. Doing so was consistent with the weight of previous empirical literature (but see Wilson et al., 2010), however, if for no other reason than scientific rigour, further research into transgender/non-binary populations is needed. Future studies may wish to consider stratifying their sample by gender identity in order to gain a more nuanced understanding of attitudes toward, and emotional outcomes of, casual sex.

Finally, although the sample employed in the current study was ethnically heterogeneous, it was predominantly Caucasian. While this is consistent with the overwhelming majority of previous research, racial discourse in this area is critical to the ongoing discussion surrounding casual sex. Future studies should consider sampling from non-Western areas, or potentially stratisfying their sample by race.

The current study makes a unique and meaningful contribution to the literature in that it established that some (but not all) outcomes of casual sex can be predicted based on understanding an individual’s motivations for engaging in such. Namely, people who engage in sex to regulate negative emotions are likely to experience negative emotional outcomes. It is unclear as to whether this is because causal sex enhances pre-existing negative emotions or is just not an effective method for managing such emotions. It may be that the current study was unable to determine predictors of positive emotional outcomes following casual sex simply because we did not ask the right questions. Future studies in this area may consider conducting qualitative interview research in order to gain a richer and more nuanced understanding of this phenomenon, and potentially insight into attitudes and behaviors associated with favourable emotional outcomes.

The takeaway message of this research is clear: when engaging in anything from a kiss to coital intercourse outside of a committed relationship, ensure your underlying motivation is not to regulate negative emotions.