Thai,
Sabrina. 2022. “Comparing You, Me, and Us: Social Comparisons in
the Context of Close Relationships.” PsyArXiv. July 14.
doi:10.31234/osf.io/bycrw
Abstract:
Social comparisons in the context of close relationships occur often
in daily life. Yet, limited research has examined the various types
of comparisons that can occur in relationships and the interpersonal
consequences of these comparisons. I first describe the types of
comparisons individuals can make in close relationships (between
themselves and a close other, between their relationship and another,
and between a close other and another person) and the interpersonal
consequences of these comparisons. I then discuss how examining
comparisons in close relationships leads to new ways of thinking
about social comparisons: Comparisons have a greater reach than
previously thought (dyadic and cumulative longitudinal effects of
comparisons), they are more complex than simply comparing the self to
others, and they influence relationship outcomes and reveal processes
that have not yet been examined. These new insights and directions
demonstrate how this intrapersonal process has important
interpersonal consequences.
Coital positions and clitoral blood flow: A biomechanical and sonographic analysis. K. Lovie, A. Marashi. Sexologies, July 5 2022. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sexol.2022.04.007
Summary
Objective: To create biomechanical models of five common coital positions, and evaluate the degree of contact and forces against the clitoris. To evaluate clitoral blood flow before and after engaging in these positions.
Methods: Biomechanical models were rendered of a male and female pelvis in the following coital positions: face-to-face/female above, sitting/face-to-face, face-to-face/male above (with and without pillow), and kneeling/rear entry. The thrusting force and gravitational force were estimated for the pelvis(es) providing the main forces. The areas of contact between the pelvises were identified and highlighted. Sonography of the clitoris was performed before and after a healthy volunteer couple engaged in each position, using a Philips Lumify™ ultrasound (Koninklijke Philips N.V., Amsterdam, Netherlands) with a L12-4 linear array transducer (4–12 MHz).
Results: The biomechanical models for each position, with the exception of kneeling/rear entry, reveal a large amount of contact with the clitoris. Clitoral blood flow increased after engaging in each position except for kneeling/rear entry. Positions in which the gravitational force of the thrusting partner was in the same direction of (and thereby augmenting) the thrusting force resulted in intense clitoral blood flow (face-to-face/female above, and face-to-face/male above). Augmenting the face-to-face/male above position with a pillow generated a component of the male pelvic gravitational force in the direction of the clitoris; this resulted in more blood flow to all components of the cavernous body.
Conclusion: From a biomechanical perspective, different coital positions vary in their potential to stimulate the clitoris. These positions lead to variable increases in clitoral blood flow, concordant with our biomechanical models.
Kerry, Nicholas, Damian Murray, Laith Al-Shawaf, Carlota Batres, Khandis Blake, Youngjae Cha, Zoran Pavlović, et al. 2022. “Parenthood and Parental Care Motives Are Associated with Increased Social Conservatism: Experimental and Cross-cultural Evidence.” PsyArXiv. July 13. doi:10.31234/osf.io/d3fg2
Abstract: Differences in attitudes on social issues such as abortion, immigration, and sex are hugely divisive, and understanding their origins is among the most important tasks facing human behavioural sciences. Despite the clear psychological importance of parenthood and the motivation to provide care for children, researchers have only recently begun investigating their influence on social and political attitudes. Because socially conservative values ostensibly prioritize safety, stability, and family values, we hypothesized that being more invested in parental care might make socially conservative policies more appealing. Studies 1 (pre-registered; n=376) and 2 (n=1,913) find novel evidence of conditional experimental effects of a parenthood prime, such that people who engaged strongly with a childcare manipulation showed an increase in social conservatism. Study 2 also finds evidence that this effect is mediated by increases in parental care motivation. Study 3 (n=2,610, novel data from 10 countries) and 4 (n=426,444, World Values Survey data) find evidence that both parenthood and parental care motivation are associated with increased social conservatism around the globe. Further, most of the positive association globally between age and social conservatism is accounted for by parenthood. These findings support the hypothesis that parenthood and parental care motivation increase social conservatism.
Jonušaitė, Izabelė, and Tomer D. Ullman. 2022. “The Invisible Hand as an Intuitive Sociological Explanation.” PsyArXiv. July 13. doi:10.31234/osf.io/p374w
Abstract: The invisible hand is a type of explanation, often used in the social sciences and economics. An invisible-hand explanation accounts for a state of affairs as the emergent outcome of individual actions, without the individuals intending the explained phenomenon. Invisible-hand explanations have been used in formal settings to account for a variety of phenomena, from segregation to traffic norms. But, they have not been studied cognitively and empirically as an intuitive explanation type. Here, we propose and show that people intuitively prefer invisible-hand explanations over intentional-design explanations. We first establish that given pairs of explanations are equally likely to cause a social phenomenon (equal likelihood ratio). We then show that in a paired hypothesis question, people prefer an invisible-hand to an intentional-design explanation (posterior odds favor invisible hand). Given this, we conclude that people have a prior preference for invisible-hand explanations. We additionally examine individual differences in this prior preference, showing a small-but-significant relationship between a preference for intentional-design explanations, and conspiratorial beliefs.
Sun, Jessie, Wen Wu, and Geoffrey Goodwin. 2022. “Moral People Tend to Be Happier.” PsyArXiv. July 13. doi:10.31234/osf.io/sd8t4
Abstract: Philosophers have long debated whether moral virtue is necessary for happiness, or whether morality and happiness are incompatible. Yet, little empirical research addresses this fundamental question: Are moral people happier? Here, we examined the association between reputation-based measures of moral character and self-reported well-being in the U.S. and China. Three studies suggest that those who are more moral in the eyes of close others (e.g., friends, family, romantic partners; Studies 1 and 3), coworkers (Study 2), and acquaintances (Study 3) generally experience a greater sense of subjective well-being and meaning in life. Together, these studies provide the most comprehensive evidence to date of a positive association between morality and well-being.
Discussion
In sum, the results of three studies provide evidence for a robust and general positive
association between moral character and well-being. These studies represent the most
comprehensive investigation to date of this longstanding question about the relation between two fundamental aspects of the good life. However, given the scope of the question and the
complexity of conceptualizing and measuring morality, our investigation is far from the last
word on whether moral people are happier.
Although reputation-based measures of morality have substantial advantages over both
self-report and behavioral measures, they have their own limitations.
First, by definition, reputation-based measures of moral character only allow us to draw conclusions about the wellbeing implications of being visibly (im)moral (26, 28). How significant a limitation this is
depends on how successfully people can actually hide their immoral traits and behaviors from
others. We suspect that while people may be able to conceal some specific immoral behaviors
(29), it is a much harder task to permanently conceal one’s genuinely immoral character. If this is true, then reputation-based measures of moral character, particularly when drawn from multiple
sources, are unlikely to be substantially distorted in this respect.
A second potential limitation of reputation-based measures is that moral character
judgments could be tainted by irrelevant information. For example, it is plausible that people
might use how much they like a person as a heuristic for whether that person is morally good.
However, supplemental analyses suggested that the association between moral character and
well-being tended to be robust even when accounting for how much the targets’ informants liked
them (see Table S29). Moreover, given that experimental evidence suggests that positive moral
character information causally increases perceivers’ overall positive impressions of a
hypothetical target (13), the extent to which a perceiver likes a target could be a mechanism that explains why moral people are happier, rather than a confound.
Due to the correlational nature of our study designs, the findings of all three studies are
causally ambiguous. However, given the paucity of research on this important question, and the
difficulty of manipulating morality, our primary goal was to provide a thorough description of
the direction, functional form, and specificity of the association between morality and well- being. After all, before we can attempt to explain a phenomenon, it is important to “know the
thing we are trying to explain” (30, 31).
Nevertheless, we conducted additional analyses to rule
out possible demographic confounds (e.g., age, gender, race, SES, and religiosity). The results of
Studies 1 and 2 were generally robust to the inclusion of these control variables, but the results
for Study 3 were inconclusive due to the large amounts of missing demographic data (see Table
40 S31).
Finally, the question of whether moral people are happier may depend in part on what
range of morality is being considered and how morality is conceptualized. Although we made
efforts to sample from across the spectrum of moral character, we were unable to sample targets
who were either extremely moral or extremely immoral (see Supplemental Materials, Table
45 S28). Nonetheless, our results do indicate that within the normal range of moral functioning
inhabited by the large majority of people, people who are more moral are happier than people
who are less moral.
6
Morality is notoriously difficult to define; indeed, centuries of philosophical theorizing
have not yet resulted in widespread convergence on what it means to be a moral person (32).
We
intentionally conceptualized morality in a very broad and ecologically valid way, with a
definition that spanned multiple different aspects of moral character that are relevant to everyday social life. It therefore remains possible that the relation we observed may not hold if moral
goodness is conceptualized more narrowly (e.g., as constituted by utilitarian attitudes, or a more
expansive moral circle; 33, 34). Our results provisionally speak against this possibility, however,
since we did not see different relations between two major dimensions of morality (i.e., kindness
and integrity) and well-being (see Supplemental Materials, Table S23). Nonetheless, future work might document more distinct connections between other varieties of morality and well-being.
Despite these caveats, the research presented here breaks new ground by providing the
strongest evidence to date of a positive association between morality and well-being in the U.S.
and China. Our findings are incompatible with the idea that a moral life is characterized by
onerous self-sacrifice; instead, morality and personal fulfilment seem to go hand in hand
Cognitive control and dishonesty. Sebastian P.H. Speer, Ale Smidts, Maarten A.S. Boksem. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, July 13 2022. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tics.2022.06.005
Highlights
The precise role of cognitive control in dishonesty has been debated for many years, but now important strides have been made to resolve this debate.
Recently developed paradigms that allow for investigating dishonesty on the level of the choice rather than on the level of the individual have substantially improved our understanding of the adaptive role of cognitive control in (dis)honesty.
These new paradigms revealed that the role of cognitive control differs across people: for cheaters, it helps them to sometimes be honest, while for those who are generally honest, it allows them to cheat on occasion. Thus, cognitive control is not required for (dis)honesty per se but is required to override one’s moral default to be either honest or to cheat.
Individual differences in moral default are driven by balancing motivation for reward and upholding a moral self-image.
Abstract: Dishonesty is ubiquitous and imposes substantial financial and social burdens on society. Intuitively, dishonesty results from a failure of willpower to control selfish behavior. However, recent research suggests that the role of cognitive control in dishonesty is more complex. We review evidence that cognitive control is not needed to be honest or dishonest per se, but that it depends on individual differences in what we call one’s ‘moral default’: for those who are prone to dishonesty, cognitive control indeed aids in being honest, but for those who are already generally honest, cognitive control may help them cheat to occasionally profit from small acts of dishonesty. Thus, the role of cognitive control in (dis)honesty is to override the moral default.
Speak Up! Mistaken Beliefs About How Much to Talk in Conversations. Quinn Hirschi, Timothy D. Wilson, Daniel T. Gilbert. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, July 11, 2022. https://doi.org/10.1177/01461672221104927
Abstract: We hypothesized that people would exhibit a reticence bias, the incorrect belief that they will be more likable if they speak less than half the time in a conversation with a stranger, as well as halo ignorance, the belief that their speaking time should depend on their goal (e.g., to be liked vs. to be found interesting), when in fact, perceivers form global impressions of each other. In Studies 1 and 2, participants forecasted they should speak less than half the time when trying to be liked, but significantly more when trying to be interesting. In Study 3, we tested the accuracy of these forecasts by randomly assigning participants to speak for 30%, 40%, 50%, 60%, or 70% of the time in a dyadic conversation. Contrary to people’s forecasts, they were more likable the more they spoke, and their partners formed global rather than differentiated impressions.
Keywords: conversation, meta-perception, social perception, interpersonal perception, affective forecasting
Thai, Sabrina, and Penelope Lockwood. 2022. “Social-judgment Comparisons in Daily Life.” PsyArXiv. July 12. doi:10.31234/osf.io/83tze
Abstract: Comparison processes are critical to social judgments, yet little is known about how individuals compare people other than themselves in daily life (social-judgment comparisons). The present research employed a 7-day experience-sampling design (Nparticipants=93; Nsurveys=3960) with end-of-week and six-month follow-ups, to examine how individuals make social-judgment comparisons in daily life as well as the cumulative impact of these comparisons over time. Participants compared close (vs. distant) contacts more frequently and made more downward than upward comparisons. Furthermore, downward, relative to upward, comparisons predicted more positive perceptions of the contact, greater closeness to the contact, and greater relationship satisfaction. More frequent downward comparisons involving a particular contact also predicted greater closeness one week and six months later. When participants made upward comparisons, they were motivated to protect close, but not distant, contacts by downplaying domain importance, and engaging in this protective strategy predicted greater closeness to the contact one week later.
Liu, P. J., Rim, S., Min, L., & Min, K. E. (2022). The surprise of reaching out: Appreciated more than we think. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Jul 2022. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000402
Abstract: People are fundamentally social beings and enjoy connecting with others. Sometimes, people reach out to others—whether simply to check-in on how others are doing with brief messages or to show that they are thinking of others by sending small gifts to them. Yet, despite the importance and enjoyment of social connection, do people accurately understand how much other people value being reached out to by someone in their social circle? Across a series of preregistered experiments, we document a robust underestimation of how much other people appreciate being reached out to. We find evidence compatible with an account wherein one reason this underestimation of appreciation occurs is because responders (vs. initiators) are more focused on their feelings of surprise at being reached out to. A focus on feelings of surprise in turn predicts greater appreciation. We further identify process-consistent moderators of the underestimation of reach-out appreciation, finding that it is magnified when the reach-out context is more surprising: when it occurs within a surprising (vs. unsurprising) context for the recipient and when it occurs between more socially distant (vs. socially close) others. Altogether, this research thus identifies when and why we underestimate how much other people appreciate us reaching out to them, implicating a heightened focus on feelings of surprise as one underlying explanation.
Author's perspective
Reach out to those you've lost touch with – they will appreciate it more than you think
What is it about?
We wondered why people lose touch with each other and fail to reconnect by reaching out. We thought that one reason might be that people underestimate how much others appreciate their reach-outs. We conducted a series of experiments testing our prediction that people would underestimate how much others appreciate being reached out to. In some of our experiments, we approached people on college campuses and asked them to write a note to a classmate with whom they hadn't been in contact in awhile. We then asked them how much they thought their classmate would appreciate being reached out to. We then delivered this note to the person they reached out to and asked them how much they appreciated being reached out to. We also conducted similar experiments with non-student samples and with reach-outs consisting of small gifts, instead of just notes. We kept finding that people underestimated how much their reach-outs were appreciated. We also found that one reason this underestimation of appreciation occurs is that people do not think enough about how positively surprised others feel upon being reached out to. The role of surprise is important. We found that the one situation in which people do not underestimate how much others appreciate being reached out is when the reach-out occurs in an unsurprising context. For example, if someone is expecting you to reach-out to them, then you are pretty well calibrated to how much they will actually appreciate you reaching out to them. Thus, it's really these unexpected reach-outs that people appreciate much more than we expect.
Why is it important?
Many people have lost touch with others in their lives, whether it be friends from high school or college or co-workers they used to see at the water cooler before they went remote. Despite wanting to reconnect, many people are hesitant about doing so. This research suggests that their hesitations may be misplaced, as others are likely to appreciate being reached out to more than people think. Given that there is so much research suggesting that maintaining our social connections with others is beneficial for mental and physical health, we hope that that these findings will encourage more people to reach-out to those with whom they have lost touch.
Research on sexual behavior often characterizes rough sex as sexual aggression and/or abuse. The same characterization exists for pornography and many links between these topics imply an escalation between pornography use, rough sex, and sexual violence. Among 734 male and female undergraduates, we examined relationships between rough sex, sexual violence, other sexual acts, and pornography use. Findings indicate that rough sex is most commonly associated with curiosity and a need for novelty, and that rough sex is associated with pornography consumption and other sexually adventurous behaviors, such as public sex and the use of sex toys. The relationship between rough sex and pornography appears to be rooted in a need for sexual novelty, with only a small subset motivated by aggression.
Keywords: Pornography, Rough Sex, Aggression, Sexual Novelty
16 - Shifts in Partner Attractiveness: Evolutionary and Social Factors. Chp 16 from Part III - Postcopulatory Adaptations. Rebecca L. Burch et al. The Cambridge Handbook of Evolutionary Perspectives on Sexual Psychology, p 363-390. June 30 2022. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108943543.020
Summary: Researchers have spent decades investigating factors in attraction; biological variables, cultural norms, and social pressures have all had their time in the spotlight. Humans are complicated animals and each of these realms have shown measurable effects. However, evolutionary approaches provide a unifying theory that subsumes and explains each of these factors and how they interact to create intricate yet predictable patterns in human mating behavior. In this chapter, we give a brief summary of major factors influencing attractiveness as perceived by men, including biological factors such as age and ovulatory status but also social factors such as exposure to highly attractive, or simply novel, women. Understanding how attractiveness can vary over time and within relationships can be useful, not only to research but also in applied clinical fields such as couples’ and marital therapy.
Hormonal contraceptives as disruptors of competitive behavior: Theoretical framing and review. Lindsie C.Arthur, Kathleen V. Casto, Khandis R. Blake. Frontiers in Neuroendocrinology, July 11 2022, 101015. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.yfrne.2022.101015
Abstract: Emerging evidence suggests that hormonal contraceptives (HCs) impact psychological outcomes through alterations in neurophysiology. In this review, we first introduce a theoretical framework for HCs as disruptors of steroid hormone modulation of socially competitive attitudes and behaviors. Then, we comprehensively examine prior research comparing HC users and non-users in outcomes related to competition for reproductive, social, and financial resources. Synthesis of 46 studies (n = 16,290) led to several key conclusions: HC users do not show the same menstrual cycle-related fluctuations in self-perceived attractiveness and some intrasexual competition seen in naturally cycling women and, further, may show relatively reduced status- or achievement-oriented competitive motivation. However, there a lack of consistent or compelling evidence that HC users and non-users differ in competitive behavior or attitudes for mates or financial resources. These conclusions are tentative given the notable methodological limitations of the studies reviewed. Implications and recommendations for future research are discussed.
Introduction
Hormonal contraceptives (HCs), designed to prevent pregnancy, are one of the most widely used prescription medications among reproductive age women1 (United Nations, 2019). Although the specific type, formula, and resulting mechanism of action varies, common to all HCs is endocrine disruption due to the introduction of synthetic ovarian hormones into the bloodstream. Despite the prevalence of HC use worldwide and numerous positive impacts on women’s reproductive autonomy, emerging evidence suggests that there may be negative effects of HCs on psychological functioning including altered and potentially maladaptive emotion processing (Lewis et al., 2019, Pahnke et al., 2019, Pletzer and Kerschbaum, 2014). Compared with naturally-cycling2 (NC) women, HC users may exhibit significant alterations in neurophysiology, affecting both structure and function in numerous areas of the brain associated with cognition and emotion (Sharma et al., 2020; for review, Brønnick et al., 2020, Porcu et al., 2019). Behavioral researchers have also begun to uncover differences in adaptive social behaviors between HC users and NC women. Much of this research has focused on a set of outcomes under the broad category of competitiveness and competition, which are important for women’s personal and career-oriented social advancement.
The aims of this review are twofold: 1) to introduce a theoretical framework for understanding HC effects on competitive behavior and 2) to comprehensively examine prior research on the effect of HCs on social-behavioral outcomes related to competition. Not only is competing important for social advancement, but competing for access to limited resources is a fact of life: it is exhibited by all organisms in all ecosystems and drives both evolution and reproductive success (Casto and Mehta, 2019, Cheng et al., 2010, Clutton-Brock and Huchard, 2013, Stockley and Bro-Jørgensen, 2011). Individuals who out-compete their rivals are more likely to survive and successfully produce offspring who will then carry their genes into the next generation. It is only by competing—and competing successfully—that individuals can survive, reproduce, and flourish. Despite the importance of competitive behavior, it can be particularly difficult to properly evoke and measure in the laboratory. Attempts to do so often lack ecologically validity and are male-biased (Casto and Prasad, 2017, Williams and Tiedens, 2016).
Guided by the adaptive significance of competition and the constraints of the extant literature, we focus on research that has tested HC effects on two main categories of competitive behavior: competition for reproductive partners (mate selection, attraction, and retention) and competition for social and financial resources (money and social status). We begin with the theoretical framing for hormonal correlates of competitive behavior followed by a brief overview of how HCs affect hormone levels and patterns of exposure. We then review all available prior studies examining HC effects on competitive behavior separately for the two resource categories. We conclude by synthesizing the prior research, identifying methodological strengths and weaknesses, and highlighting avenues for future directions.
Myth or measurement: What does the new minimum wage research say about minimum wages and job loss in the United States? David Neumark, Peter Shirley. Industrial Relations: A Journal of Economy and Society, April 25 2022. https://doi.org/10.1111/irel.12306
Abstract: The disagreement among studies on the employment effects of minimum wages in the United States is well known. Less well known, and more puzzling, is the absence of agreement on what the research literature says—that is, how economists summarize the body of evidence on the employment effects of minimum wages. Summaries range from “it is now well established that higher minimum wages do not reduce employment,” to “the evidence is very mixed with effects centered on zero so there is no basis for a strong conclusion one way or the other,” to “most evidence points to adverse employment effects.” We explore the question of what conclusions can be drawn from the literature, focusing on the evidence using subnational minimum wage variation within the United States that has dominated the research landscape since the early 1990s. To accomplish this, we assembled the entire set of published studies in this literature and identified the core estimates that support the conclusions from each study, in most cases relying on responses from the researchers who wrote these papers. Our key conclusions are as follows: (i) there is a clear preponderance of negative estimates in the literature; (ii) this evidence is stronger for teens and young adults and the less educated; (iii) the evidence from studies of directly affected workers points even more strongly to negative employment effects; and (iv) the evidence from studies of low-wage industries is less one-sided.
Reduce the number of interviewers in your process. If you have more than four or five interviewers, chances are that the costs associated with the additional complexity in your process have exceeded the benefits they produce.
Be explicit about whose decision it is. Steer your organizational culture away from a consensus-oriented approach. Instead, for each role make it explicit whose decision it is, who else might have veto power, and that other interviewers should not be offended if a candidate is hired despite not getting their approval. And then keep repeating this message until most of your colleagues adapt to this new approach.
Ask interviewers to use numerical ratings when evaluating candidates. We’ve experienced that doing so helps hiring committees focus on the holistic view rather than on one-off negative comments. Having interviewers submit their ratings before getting input from their colleagues will have the further benefit of reducing the chance of groupthink in your evaluations.
Remove the “Dr. Deaths” from your hiring committee. Track which interviewers turn down the most candidates, and if they are not better at picking good hires, communicate with them that they will be removed from the hiring committee if they don’t correct their behavior.
Change your culture to reward those who spot great hires, not penalizing those who end up with an occasional poor performer. You can further do this by emphasizing the difference between good decisions and good outcomes. Sometimes a fully logical bet will result in a poor outcome. If needs be, call out those spreading negativism.
Lightner, Aaron, and Edward H. Hagen. 2022. “All Models Are Wrong,
and Some Are Religious: Supernatural Explanations as Abstract and
Useful Falsehoods About Complex Realities.” PsyArXiv. July 11.
doi:10.31234/osf.io/2uvjm
Abstract:
Many cognitive and evolutionary theories of religion argue that
supernatural explanations are byproducts of our cognitive
adaptations. An influential argument states that our supernatural
explanations result from a tendency to generate anthropomorphic
explanations, and that this tendency is a byproduct of an error
management strategy because agents tend to be associated with
especially high fitness costs. We propose instead that
anthropomorphic and other supernatural explanations result as
features of a broader toolkit of well-designed cognitive adaptations,
which are designed for explaining the abstract and causal structure
of complex, unobservable, and uncertain phenomena that have
substantial impacts on fitness. Specifically, we argue that (1)
mental representations about the abstract vs. the supernatural are
largely overlapping, if not identical, and (2) when the
data-generating processes for scarce and ambiguous observations are
complex and opaque, a naive observer can improve a bias-variance
tradeoff by starting with a simple, underspecified explanation that
Western observers readily interpret as "supernatural." We
then argue that (3) in many cases, knowledge specialists across
cultures offer pragmatic services that involve apparently
supernatural explanations, and their clients are frequently willing
to pay them in a market for useful and effective services. We propose
that at least some ethnographic descriptions of religion might
actually reflect ordinary and adaptive responses to novel problems
such as illnesses and natural disasters, where knowledge specialists
possess and apply the best available explanations about phenomena
that would otherwise be completely mysterious and unpredictable.
Labor Unions and Product Quality
Failures. Omesh Kini, Mo Shen, Jaideep Shenoy, Venkat Subramaniam.
Management Science, Aug 27 2021.
https://doi.org/10.1287/mnsc.2021.4082
Abstract:
In this paper, we study the impact of labor unions on product quality
failures. We use a product recall as our measure of quality failure
because it is an objective metric that is applicable to a broad
cross-section of industries. Our analysis employs a union panel
setting and close union elections in a regression discontinuity
design framework to overcome identification issues. In the panel
regressions, we find that firms that are unionized and those that
have higher unionization rates experience a greater frequency of
quality failures. The results obtain even at a more granular
establishment level in a subsample in which we can identify the
manufacturing establishment associated with the recalled product.
When comparing firms in close elections, we find that firms with
close union wins are followed
by significantly worse product quality outcomes than those with close
union losses. These results are amplified in non–right-to-work
states, where unions have a relatively greater influence on the
workforce. We find that unionization increases firms’ costs and
operating leverage and, consequently, crowds out investments that
potentially impact quality. We also find some suggestive evidence
that unions may compromise quality by hurting employee morale and by
resisting technological upgrades in the firm. Overall, our results
suggest that unions have an adverse impact on product recalls, and
thus, product quality is an important dimension along which unions
impact businesses
---
Comments
by Alex Tabarrok Labor
Unions Reduce Product Quality - Marginal REVOLUTION: Two
strengths of the paper. First, the authors have relatively objective
measures of product quality from thousands of product recalls
mandated by the FDA, the Consumer Product Safety Commission and
the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration covering
many different industries. Second the authors use 3 different
methods. First, they find that unionized firms are more likely to
have recalls than non-unionized firms (a simple difference in means
subject to many potential cofounds but I still like to see the raw
data), second they find that in a panel model with industry and year
fixed effects and other controls that firms which are more unionized
have a greater frequency of product recalls. Finally they find that
firms where the union just barely won the vote are more likely to
have subsequent product recalls than firms for which the union just
barely lost the vote--a regression discontinuity study.
The
authors put more weight on financial strains caused by unionization
as a mechanism whereas my story would be that unionization prevents
firms from disciplining shoddy workers and that leads to lower
product quality. Note that my theory would also cover teachers unions
which the author’s mechanism would not.
From 2016... Kret ME, Tomonaga M (2016) Getting to the Bottom of Face Processing. Species-Specific Inversion Effects for Faces and Behinds in Humans and Chimpanzees (Pan Troglodytes). PLoS ONE 11(11): e0165357. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0165357
Abstract: For social species such as primates, the recognition of conspecifics is crucial for their survival. As demonstrated by the ‘face inversion effect’, humans are experts in recognizing faces and unlike objects, recognize their identity by processing it configurally. The human face, with its distinct features such as eye-whites, eyebrows, red lips and cheeks signals emotions, intentions, health and sexual attraction and, as we will show here, shares important features with the primate behind. Chimpanzee females show a swelling and reddening of the anogenital region around the time of ovulation. This provides an important socio-sexual signal for group members, who can identify individuals by their behinds. We hypothesized that chimpanzees process behinds configurally in a way humans process faces. In four different delayed matching-to-sample tasks with upright and inverted body parts, we show that humans demonstrate a face, but not a behind inversion effect and that chimpanzees show a behind, but no clear face inversion effect. The findings suggest an evolutionary shift in socio-sexual signalling function from behinds to faces, two hairless, symmetrical and attractive body parts, which might have attuned the human brain to process faces, and the human face to become more behind-like.
Discussion
The current study shows chimpanzee’s expertise in recognizing behinds and suggests they process the bright pink sex swellings of female chimpanzees configurally and in a similar way as humans process faces. The female chimpanzee’s behind has a very high socio-sexual signaling function and the changes in size and color over the menstrual cycle reflect fertility. For that reason, it is important for conspecifics to be able to quickly detect this signal in the environment, but at the same time, it is vital to know who the behind belongs to[19]. For male chimpanzees this is relevant to prevent inbreeding. In turn, for female chimpanzees it is relevant to be aware of competing females to protect their own mating success.
The current study replicates previous research on the face inversion effect in humans, demonstrating that they process faces configurally[2]. In line with our hypothesis, the face inversion effect was dampened when faces were turned into greyscale, but still strongly significant, which is in line with previous research in humans showing that orientation is more important than color when it comes to processing human faces[31]. Also without color, the human face contains many high contrasting features such as eye whites, a prominent nose and lips and eyebrows. Although facial color can provide important social information, such as about emotions and health, there are also minor alterations over the menstrual cycle [40]. However, these small changes are beyond any comparison with the rich coloration of the chimpanzee behind where the alterations are much more obvious. In chimpanzees, the relevance of color for processing behinds is reflected in the absence of the behind inversion effect when pictures of behinds were presented in greyscale. In real life, the size and color of the swelling change in synchrony over the menstrual cycle. Thus, a full swelling around estrus is always redder than the female behind half a cycle later. It is therefore possible that due to the un-naturalistic mismatch between color (grey) and size (full swelling), these behinds were processed as objects, i.e., identified by the parts rather than as a whole.
Like humans, great apes are optimally equipped to process color and the spectral sensitivity of the cones in their retinas is ideal for discriminating both density of hemoglobin and oxygen saturation of the blood[30]. Also, the brain areas specialized in processing faces and bodies possess unique neural wiring to effectively process color[32, 33]. Once developed over the course of evolution, color vision (and especially trichromatic color perception) proceeded to impose a selective pressure on certain external traits such as the pink female sexual swelling in chimpanzees and the red lips and cheeks in humans.
A limitation of this study is the low number of individuals in the chimpanzee sample. Although this is common in most primate research and is largely compensated for by the large number of trials per individual, it is possible that effects would have been stronger had we been able to test a larger sample. Moreover, the chimpanzees in our sample were adolescents and adults and we can therefore only speculate about whether this specialization in processing behinds is inborn or related to expertise and emerged sometime during the developmental trajectory. In humans, the specialization for faces occurs already in the first couple of months of life[41]. In fact, already from birth, infants are interested in other people’s faces and eyes and make eye-contact[42]. The making of eye-contact is also facilitated in our species as walking upright freed the hands of parents, allowing them to carry their babies in their arms more often[43]. In contrast, chimpanzees are knuckle-walkers and carry their infants on their belly or back. For them, the swellings become particularly relevant only around puberty. The swellings also appear around that time, i.e., around the age of 10, and at that age, the color of the face changes from pink to a permanent black tint, reducing the contrast with the rest of the body[20]. The swellings stand out enormously in terms of color, size, smoothness and shininess and have a much stronger socio-sexual signaling function in the chimpanzee than the face. Future experiments with larger sample sizes are needed to test for sex differences and could also benefit from including male behinds as a control condition. In addition, it might be valuable to repeat this experiment in the bonobo (Pan Paniscus), as this species is as closely related to us as the chimpanzee but uses sex as a way to prevent and solve conflicts, has an alpha female rather than an alpha male[44] and is known to be highly attentive towards pictures showing genitals and even pay more attention to this category than to images showing threat displays[45].
In sum, applying well-established psychological paradigms to our closest relatives represents a promising approach to providing insight into the evolution of behavior. For primates, being able to recognize each other is necessary for detecting mates. Yin’s(1969) landmark article about the ‘face inversion effect’ turned the face-literature upside-down and hundreds of articles since describe that humans process faces unlike objects. But how faces compare to another body part similar in shape, size, color and attractiveness was thus far unknown. The present study demonstrates that chimpanzees, unlike humans, show a ‘behind inversion effect’ and suggests that identity recognition ‘moved up’ from the bottom to the face in our uprightly walking species. The findings of our study suggest that over human evolution the face took over important properties shared with the primate behind and largely replaced its socio-sexual signaling function, making our species attuned to faces.
Sound induces analgesia through corticothalamic circuits. Wenjie Zhou et al. Science, Jul 7 2022, Vol 377, Issue 6602, pp. 198-204, DOI: 10.1126/science.abn4663
The pain-reducing effects of music: That sound can effectively suppress pain has been known for some time. However, it is still unclear what drives the analgetic effect induced by music or noise. Zhou et al. used a range of methods to demonstrate in mice that the auditory cortex is functionally connected to regions involved in nociception (see the Perspective by Kuner and Kuner). The neuronal circuits depend on the physical location of the pain. Whereas the analgetic effect of a 5-decibel signal-to-noise ratio white noise on the hindpaws involved projections from the auditory cortex to the posterior thalamic nuclei, on the forepaws, it involved projections from the auditory cortex to the ventral posterior nuclei. Distinct thalamic nuclei are thus involved in the processing of nociceptive information perceived at distinct physical locations. —PRS
Abstract: Sound—including music and noise—can relieve pain in humans, but the underlying neural mechanisms remain unknown. We discovered that analgesic effects of sound depended on a low (5-decibel) signal-to-noise ratio (SNR) relative to ambient noise in mice. Viral tracing, microendoscopic calcium imaging, and multitetrode recordings in freely moving mice showed that low-SNR sounds inhibited glutamatergic inputs from the auditory cortex (ACxGlu) to the thalamic posterior (PO) and ventral posterior (VP) nuclei. Optogenetic or chemogenetic inhibition of the ACxGlu→PO and ACxGlu→VP circuits mimicked the low-SNR sound–induced analgesia in inflamed hindpaws and forepaws, respectively. Artificial activation of these two circuits abolished the sound-induced analgesia. Our study reveals the corticothalamic circuits underlying sound-promoted analgesia by deciphering the role of the auditory system in pain processing.
Sexual Fantasies, from Part II - Copulatory Adaptations. Rui Miguel Costa. In The Cambridge Handbook of Evolutionary Perspectives on Sexual Psychology, pp 209-240. Jun 30 2022. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108943567.011
Summary: Sexual fantasies refer to mental imagery of sexual activity with an emotional component that absorbs the fantasizer. These images are often sexually arousing and enjoyable, but they can elicit guilt and be unwanted and intrusive. Reported frequency of sexual fantasizing is subject to large individual differences. The present chapter reviews and discusses the role of motivational tendencies underlying sexual fantasies and the relationship between sexual functioning and sexual fantasies. Men report more frequent fantasies than women, but at least part of the difference is explained by greater frequency of masturbation accompanied by fantasies for men than women. Sexual desire does not require the experience of fantasies, but fantasy frequency is robustly related to sexual desire in the reproductive years. Tendency to experience sexual fantasies is related to imagery ability, in general, but the modest correlations suggest independent processes. Unlike sexual activity that requires compromise between partners’ desires, fantasies are unconstrained by physical and social reality; as such, they provide a window into sexual motivations that guide cognitions and behavior. Predictions of sex differences in fantasy contents based on evolutionary theory have been confirmed by many studies. Women are more likely than men to fantasize about sex with the current partner, and less likely than men to fantasize about group sex, sex with strangers, extradyadic relationships, and sex with (legally) much younger partners. This is interpreted as fantasies reflecting sex-differentiated mating strategies. However, a substantial proportion of women report fantasies of group sex, sex with unknown men, and sex with men other than their current partner. This suggests that a certain degree of sperm competition has occurred in human evolutionary history, which is corroborated by the relative size of men’s testes in comparison with other primates. Generally (and against expectations), women do not fantasize more about sex with much older partners and famous people. Fantasies involving sexual aggression are very common. Men fantasize more than women about forcing someone to have sex. Some studies report that women fantasize more about being forced to have sex, but others have failed to find this sex differences. Still, more women than men report that the fantasy of being forced to have sex is among their favorites. These fantasies are typically very sexually arousing, but they may challenge evolutionary explanations and the notion of fantasies revealing motivations, as rape is reported to be traumatic and revolting by victims. Several explanations are discussed. Rape fantasies might facilitate intercourse and sexual pleasure in circumstances of psychological ambivalence, when the environment is safe. In women, evidence of a relationship between sexual fantasies and sexual satisfaction is mixed. Sexual satisfaction is unrelated to female coital fantasies and to male fantasies, in general. Many variables that may cause fantasy-related dissatisfaction are discussed; these include fantasies provoking guilt feelings, preference for arousal solely induced by sensory and emotional stimulation, fantasies being used as escapes from relationship problems and other stressors of reality, and lack of adequate sleep leading to greater fantasy-induced arousal.
Men’s Provisioning of Oral Sex, from Part II - Copulatory Adaptations. Gavin Vance. In The Cambridge Handbook of Evolutionary Perspectives on Sexual Psychology, pp 271-293, June 2022. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108943543.014
Summary: Men sometimes engage in noncopulatory sexual behaviors, such as cunnilingus and other kinds of sexual foreplay. Men involved in long-term romantic relationships, in particular, tend to provision their partners with oral sex. Potential adaptive functions of cunnilingus in humans are discussed with a focus on the hypothesis that men use oral sex provisioning as part of a general benefit-provisioning, long-term mating strategy. Other potential adaptive functions are also considered, including the infidelity detection hypothesis and several hypotheses concerning sperm competition adaptations. Some research has proposed the possibility that men may use oral sex as a form of infidelity detection, wherein they might be able to smell or taste the semen of rival males in their partner’s vagina. Other research has posited that men might perform cunnilingus in order to induce orgasm in their partners, thereby increasing the amount of sperm retained in her reproductive tract after ejaculation. Still others have suggested that men might perform cunnilingus to increase their own arousal, thus increasing their subsequent ejaculate volume. These adaptive perspectives are couched within the wider literature on oral sex, which includes data regarding the frequency of oral sex in adolescent, preindustrial and non-Western samples, as well as women’s desire for receiving oral sex. Regarding the relative infrequency of cunnilingus in preindustrial and non-Western samples, in particular, men’s provisioning of oral sex is considered as potentially being a part of an evolved cognition for benefit-provisioning mate retention in general, rather than oral sex itself serving a specific adaptive function. Specifically, oral sex may be one type of sexual favor that men, especially those in Western cultures, sometimes provide to their long-term partners. Additional data regarding the increased sexual and relationship satisfaction in women who engage in a wider variety of sexual practices and who more frequently experience orgasm further supports the mate retention hypothesis of men’s provisioning of oral sex. Nevertheless, the available literature investigating these potential adaptive functions is currently insufficient to draw any decisive conclusions. Finally, gaps in the current literature and suggestions for future research that may help determine the evolved nature of men’s oral sex provisioning are discussed.
Yours Truly: On the Complex Relationship Between Authenticity and Honesty. Erica R. Bailey, Sheena S. Iyengar. Current Opinion in Psychology, July 8 2022, 101419. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.copsyc.2022.101419
Abstract: Authenticity is defined as being true to yourself, but does being true to yourself always mean being truthful? The apparent similarity between authenticity and honesty has obscured directly scrutinizing possible tension between the two constructs. In the current paper, we review recent research which reveals their orthogonality, highlighting how honesty can decrease authenticity and dishonesty can increase authenticity. In addition, we delineate between honesty with the self and self-rated authenticity, as well as honesty with others and perceived authenticity. Finally, we propose the importance of coherence and morality which describe when honesty will serve (or harm) authenticity both intra- and interpersonally, illuminating avenues for future research.
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People reliably report that their “true self”, the often-cited source of authenticity, is more moral and generally better than the true selves of others.
Abstract:
The capacity to elicit vivid visual mental images varies within an
extensive range across individuals between hyper- and aphantasia. It
is not clear, however, whether imagery vividness is constant across
the lifespan or changes during development and later in life. Without
enforcing the constraints of strict experimental procedures and
representativity across the entire population, our purpose was to
explore the self-reported level of imagery vividness and determine
the relative proportions of aphantasic/hyperphantasic participants in
different age groups. Relying on the frequently used Vividness of
Visual Imagery Questionnaire, we collected data on a random sample of
2252 participants between the ages of 12 to 60 years. We found a
novel developmental pattern that describes a declining ability to
elicit vivid visual mental images in the group averages of different
age groups from adolescence to middle age. This effect involves both
a decreasing proportion of individuals with vivid visual imagery
vividness and an increasing proportion of individuals with low
imagery vividness as maturation (based on bone age assessments in
adolescents) and ageing progress. These findings may shed some light
on the developmental mechanisms of our internal, stimulus-independent
processes, and might also help to determine genetic, maturational,
and age-dependent factors in the cases of hyper- and aphantasia.
We examined whether visual imagery vividness is constant across the lifespan, or whether it changes during development and later in life. Our results show - for the first time - that visual imagery vividness declines with age, and this decline is more pronounced in males than females. Above average imagery vividness is common during the teenage years, while the proportion of hyperphantasics sharply declines from adolescence to middle age. Aphantasia, on the other hand, is non-existent in adolescents, and seems to become increasingly prevalent in the later years. Additionally, in 11 to13-year-old adolescents, advanced biological maturity (measured via bone age assessment) is correlated with weaker visual imagery vividness. We interpret these findings as evidence for the waning of imagery vividness as a function of chronological age between adolescence and middle age, and as a function of biological age in adolescents.
We believe that the discovered developmental changes in visual imagery vividness and in the prevalence of aphantasia are novel findings. In terms of visual mental imagery and ageing, there exist different experimental approaches, as well as studies on mental rotation, visuo-spatial internal representation, and visual working memory (for recent examples see: Craik & Dirkx, 1992; Dror & Kosslyn, 1994; Isaac & Marks, 1994; Wimmer et al., 2015) trying to define and model the phenomenon of visual internal representations. However, these studies approach mental imagery from a stimulus-response, functional perspective of short-term memory, while our study looks at the development of external stimulus independent visual mental imagery. The latter could avoid the potential biases of perceptual changes or decline due to ageing.
Our results contradict some of the already heterogeneous results of earlier studies measuring visual imagery vividness over the lifespan mentioned in the introduction (Isaac & Marks, 1994; Campos & Sueiro, 1993; Kemps & Newson, 2005; White et al., 1977; Wolmer et al., 1999). We noted that these studies use comparatively small sample sizes, limited age-based distribution, and other artefacts, which may contribute to inconsistent findings. The above described, age-related declining pattern of imagery vividness seems to provide a fresh and more coherent picture, and perhaps an alternative way of thinking about the background of internal representations. Our results may also shed light on the necessity of more representative surveys in this field to get more persuasive information about the maturational effects of the phenomenon.
Our observation on the remarkable distribution of the two extremes – namely hyper- and aphantasia – is also unique in the literature. Most previous studies on aphantasia look at its role in different cognitive functions, and potential impairments or compensative internal processes, mainly only in adult samples (for recent examples, see: Jacobs et al., 2018; Pounder et al., 2018; Keogh et al., 2021; Milton et al., 2021; Wicken et al., 2021). However, to understand the phenomenon more comprehensively, it would be essential to examine the nature of lifelong prevalence as well. The fact that both chronological and biological age are negatively correlated with visual imagery vividness seems to uncover a developmental process and indicates the existence of “developmental aphantasia” in addition to the potentially genetically based and acquired forms.
The other terminus of the visual imagery vividness spectrum is the phenomenon of hyperphantasia (Zeman, 2020). In contrast to aphantasia, this kind of extreme, ’offline-perceptual’ experience means to have abnormally strong, or photo-like, even eidetic imagery. According to the previous prevalence calculations, this mental representational ability is more frequent in the group of elementary-school-aged children, than among subjects in other age groups (Giray et al., 1976; Haber, 1979; Haber & Haber, 1964). Different theoretical approaches exist to explain this distributional pattern of which the most popular viewpoint is the developmental hypothesis (Haber, 1979; Haber & Haber, 1964). According to this assumption, extreme visual imagery vividness is an early capacity, modulated or lost by the progression of developmental processes during childhood. Nevertheless, this aspect could not necessarily provide a reliable explanation to any longitudinal observations, namely to the cases within the eidetic subjects that remained eidetically classified in the entire experimental time interval (Leask et al., 1969). Based on our findings, we would like to suggest that in addition to the genetically based neurodiversity along the visual imagery spectrum, a lifelong developmental pattern of decreasing visual imagery vividness is also part of the picture. The mechanism behind this decline and the neural background is not within the scope of our investigation here, however, we hope to facilitate a more detailed investigation of the neural correlates.
Inspired by our current findings we propose that the vividness of visual mental imagery is shaped by developmental factors, and there is a natural tendency for less vivid mental images with both maturation and ageing (see Fig. 2). Although we leave the possibility open that there might be a small proportion of individuals with genetically based hyper- or aphantasia whose imaging capacities are unaffected by maturational or developmental factors, we also claim the relevance of the developmental changes. As for future studies, this relevance might be twofold. On one hand, by acknowledging the changing distributions of imaging capacities, future studies might involve samples more representative for age and gender to determine the actual prevalence of either, potentially genetically based extremes. On the other hand, the clear declining tendency raises several questions about the developmental mechanisms that bring about such a remarkable change. For example, is there a difference between genetically based and developmental hyper- and aphantasia?
Instead of indulging in further exciting but unanswered questions, let us also note the limitations of our exploratory study that could be overcome in further investigations. First, despite the large number of participants in the adult age groups, our study cannot be considered representative, and it is not longitudinal. Therefore, we cannot completely rule out confounds related to random samples, and confounds that may include social, educational, technological, or lifestyle changes over time that may affect the spectrum of mental imagery vividness across the examined age groups. It would be very important to systematically study these potential confounds in future studies. Additionally, although unlikely, we cannot rule out the possibility that aphantasics from older age brackets were more inclined to participate in our study, e.g., by being overrepresented among the readers of the news portal where the invitation link of the study was published. Attrition bias might also be present if, e.g., mortality would decrease in the presence of aphantasia, or increase in the general and hyperphantasic population. The latter effect, that is, the relative decrease in the number of people with high imagery vividness in the population might be due to a confound with psychiatric or neurodegenerative diseases reducing life expectancy (Ji et al., 2019; Pearson et al., 2013; Pearson et al., 2015). It is also a shortcoming of this exploratory study that we used a self-report questionnaire that is subject to several response biases, and it may not be readily applicable in children.
Since it seems relevant to extend the current investigation to childhood, where over-reporting of imagery experience might be an issue, more objective measures involving lower levels of cognitive complexity are called for. For example, a no-report version (Frässle et al. 2014; Ziman et al., 2022) of the binocular rivalry dominance priming method (Milton et al., 2021; Pearson et al., 2008, 201; Keogh & Pearson 2018) might be a useful paradigm in forthcoming studies. The essence of this method is that there is an imagery instruction before each rivalry trial, and the induced mental image is expected to affect perceptual decisions about the multistable stimulus (Pearson et al., 2008). The facilitatory effect correlates with the subjective vividness reports (Pearson et al., 2011), and it is not present in subjects with aphantasia (Keogh & Pearson 2018). Although this method seems to deal with the subjectivity of self-reports, the rivalry paradigm is still short of objectivity since participants intentionally report their subjective percepts on each primed rivalry trial, involving criterion level problems, and individual results suggest on demand responses in a significant number of catch trials (Pearson et al., 2011). To solve this issue, a ‘no-report’ version of the rivalry paradigm, based on eye-tracking has been introduced (Frässle et al, 2014; Ziman et al., 2022). Another recently introduced method for the objective study of aphantasia uses the pupillary light response (Kay et al. 2022). During imagery of light or dark objects, the pupils react similarly as in natural vision: they dilate while imaging dark stimuli and constrict while imaging bright stimuli. Kay et al. (2022) found that the degree of imagery-evoked pupillary light response correlates with the proportion of successful priming in the binocular rivalry task and seems to be absent in aphantasia. Since intentional behavioural responses are not required (e.g., choices of questionnaire alternatives or button presses), while behavioural correlates of imagery vividness can be measured, these paradigms are good candidates for future objective studies of visual imagery vividness.
The lifelong changes in visual imagery vividness found in the current study should encourage future research to establish advanced, more objective techniques to measure vividness to determine exact age group standards that should help more precise prevalence estimations of hyper- or aphantasia. In addition to the prevalence estimations, the neural background of these conditions might be better revealed relying on the developmental information confirmed by objective methods, which should, in turn, help the understanding of visual imagery in general.
To sum up, we found a novel developmental pattern showing a declining ability to elicit vivid visual images as age increases from adolescence to middle age. This effect involves both a decreasing proportion of individuals with very vivid visual imagery and an increasing proportion of individuals with weak visual imagery as maturation and ageing progress. These findings may shed some light on the developmental mechanisms of our internal, stimulus-independent processes, and might also help to determine genetic, maturational, and age-dependent factors in the cases of hyper- and aphantasia.
Mac Giolla, Erik, Simon Karlsson, David A. Neequaye, and Magnus Bergquist. 2022. “Evaluating the Replicability of Social Priming Studies.” PsyArXiv. July 8. doi:10.31234/osf.io/dwg9v
Abstract: To assess the replicability of social priming findings we reviewed the extant close replication attempts in the field. In total, we found 65 close replications, that replicated 46 unique findings. Ninety-four percent of the replications had effect sizes smaller than the effect they replicated, only 18% of the replications reported a significant p-value in the original direction, and the 95% confidence interval of the replication effects included the original effects only 26% of the time. The strongest predictor of replication success was whether or not the replication team included at least one of the authors of the original paper. Twelve of the 16 replications with at least one original author produced a significant effect in the original direction and the meta-analytic average of these studies suggest a significant priming effect (d = 0.33, 95% CI[0.26; 0.65]). In stark contrast, none of the 49 replications by independent research teams produced a significant effect in the original direction and the meta-analytic average was virtually zero (d = 0.001, 95% CI[-0.03; 0.03]). We argue that these results have shifted the burden of proof back onto advocates of social priming. Successful replications from independent research teams will likely be required to convince sceptics that social priming exists at all.
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