Follow Your Heart: Could Psychophysiology Be Associated with Political Discussion Network Homogeneity? Taylor N. Carlson, Charles T. McClean, Jaime E. Settle. Political Psychology, May 3 2019. https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12594
Abstract: Most Americans are sorted into social networks that are largely politically homogeneous. A large body of political science research has explored the behavioral implications of being embedded in a politically homogeneous or heterogeneous network, but substantially less attention has been given to explaining why some people find themselves in politically homogeneous or heterogeneous social networks. In this article, we explore the psychological and physiological underpinnings of political network homogeneity. We use social network data from an original survey of 129 undergraduates paired with lab experimental evidence that measures individuals' physiological reactivity to an anticipated political discussion. Using our original survey and a separate nationally representative survey, we find suggestive evidence that individuals who are more socially anxious are more likely to share partisanship with their social network ties. Moreover, we find that individuals who experienced a greater increase in heart rate when anticipating a political discussion were more likely to be in homogeneous discussion networks, but we do not find a relationship between electrodermal activity and network homogeneity. Aversion to psychological and physiological discomfort induced by political discussions could contribute to social polarization in the American public.
Friday, May 3, 2019
Firm Size, Life Cycle Dynamics and Growth Constraints in Mexico: Reduce informality, combat the undue use of market power in concentrated industries and strengthen access to financial services
Firm Size, Life Cycle Dynamics and Growth Constraints: Evidence from Mexico. Christian Saborowski, Florian Misch. IMF Working Paper No. 19/87. May 2, 2019. https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/WP/Issues/2019/05/02/Firm-Size-Life-Cycle-Dynamics-and-Growth-Constraints-Evidence-from-Mexico-46819
Summary: This paper examines the variation in life cycle growth across the universe of Mexican firms. We establish two stylized facts to motivate our analysis: first, we show that firm size matters for development by illustrating a close correlation with state-level per capita incomes. Second, we show that few firms grow as much as their U.S. peers while the majority stagnates at less than twice their initial size. To gain insights into the distinguishing characteristics of the two groups, we then econometrically decompose life cycle growth across firms. We find that firms that have financial access and multiple establishments and that are formal, part of diversified industries and located in population centers can grow at sizeable rates.
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I Introduction
Mexico’s low productivity growth in recent decades has puzzled many observers (Levy and Rodrik, 2017). Slow technology diffusion is unlikely to be the main explanation given that Mexico has benefited from large foreign investment inflows after opening up its economy as part of a series of sweeping structural reforms since the 1990s. A recent strand of work argues that Mexico’s productivity has been held back in part because the allocation of labor and capital is distorted (e.g. Levy, 2018; Misch and Saborowski, 2018).1
In this paper, we focus on within-firm growth as a complementary explanation for Mexico’s low productivity growth.2 We argue that individual firms do not invest enough, thus depressing firm growth and preventing firms from taking sufficient advantage of economies of scale. The paper calculates individual firm growth over the life cycle based on five waves of the Mexican Economic Census from 1993 to 2013, complemented by longitudinal firm identifiers constructed by Busso and others (2018) and expanded by INEGI staff. We then decompose our estimates of life cycle growth at the firm level to better understand the distinguishing features of firms that grow at sizeable rates compared to those that stagnate.
We establish two stylized facts to motivate our analysis. First, we show that firm size is positively correlated with state-level per capita incomes. The finding complements previous results at the cross-country level and highlights the close association between firm growth and economic development (Bento and Restuccia, 2018). Second, we show that there is a small minority of Mexican firms that does grow at rates similar to the average U.S. firm. While we confirm the finding of Hsieh and Klenow (2014) that the vast majority of Mexican firms stagnate at about 15-19 years of age, there are some firms that do grow continuously to several times their initial size by the age of 20-24.3 Given the close association between firm size and development, it is thus natural to ask what it is that allows this small minority of firms to perform well in an environment in which the majority does not.
We decompose firm life cycle growth into the contributions of individual firm characteristics using a simple regression framework in the second part of the analysis. Our findings suggest that Mexican firms that have financial access and multiple establishments and that are formal, part of diversified industries and located in population centers can grow at sizeable rates. The regressions predict that a firm that is both formal and has financial access would grow to some 2.4 times its initial size. Formal firms with financial access and multiple establishments, in turn, are predicted to grow to 3-4 times their initial size over their life cycles, an order of magnitude similar to that of the average U.S. firm (Hsieh and Klenow, 2014). We further illustrate that these ‘superstar’ firms tend to be very large firms in industries that form part of the North American supply chain.
We contribute to the existing literature in several ways. First, by using data that is perfectly comparable across Mexican states, our paper lends greater credibility to estimates in the literature that find evidence of a positive link between firm size and development. These include the findings by Bento and Restuccia (2017) and Bento and Restuccia (2018) who estimate an elasticity of establishment size with respect to GDP per capita of around 0.3.4 Second, we provide a more nuanced view on firm life cycle dynamics in Mexico than Hsieh and Klenow (2014). We document not only that the average Mexican firm grows less than the average U.S. firm, but also that firms that have managed to overcome a well identified set of distortions are able to grow at rates similar to the average U.S. firm. Third, our findings provide empirical evidence in support of the theoretical proposition that distortions that constrain productivity through misallocation of resources between more and less productive firms also depress investment by individual firms (Hsieh and Klenow, 2014, and Bento and Restuccia, 2017).5 We show that life cycle dynamics can indeed be decomposed into a very similar set of distortions to those identified in Misch and Saborowski (2018) as drivers of resource misallocation in Mexico.
From a policy perspective our findings highlight the importance of pushing ahead with structural reforms in priority areas. This includes efforts to reduce informality, combat the undue use of market power in concentrated industries and strengthen access to financial services. Furthermore, targeted infrastructure investments would help better connecting more remote regions to the major population centers in the country.
[...]
V CONCLUSION
This paper focuses on within-firm growth as an explanation for Mexico’s low productivity growth. A recent strand of work argues that Mexico’s productivity has been held back in part because the allocation of labor and capital is distorted (e.g. Levy, 2018; Misch and Saborowski, 2018). In this paper, we argue that individual firms do not invest enough, thus depressing firm growth and preventing firms from taking sufficient advantage of economies of scale.
We establish two stylized facts to motivate our analysis: First, we show that firm size is positively correlated with state-level per capita incomes. The finding mirrors previous results at the cross-country level and highlights the close association between firm growth and economic development (Bento and Restuccia, 2018). Second, we show that there is a small minority of Mexican firms that do not grow at rates similar to the average U.S. firm while most of their peers stagnate at less than two times their initial size.
The remainder of the paper analyzes the distinguishing factors of the small minority of firms that manage to grow in an environment in which the majority does not. We decompose life cycle growth into the contributions of individual distortions using a simple regressions framework. Our findings suggest that Mexican firms that are formal, have multiple establishments and financial access, are part of diversified industries as well as located in population centers can grow at sizable rates. The regressions predict that a firm that is both formal and has financial access would see a cumulative growth rate of some 140 percentage points more than an informal firm without financial access. Formal firms with financial access and multiple establishments, in turn, are predicted to grow to 3-4 times their initial size over their life cycles, and thus by an order of magnitude similar to that of the average U.S. firm.
Our findings support the theoretical proposition that distortions that constrain productivity through misallocation also depress investment by individual firms (Hsieh and Klenow, 2014, and Bento and Restuccia, 2017). We show that life cycle dynamics can indeed be decomposed into a very similar set of distortions to those that have been identified as drivers of resource misallocation in Misch and Saborowski (2018).
From a policy perspective, our findings are consistent with continued emphasis on structural reforms. This includes efforts to reduce tax evasion, limit the use of market power in concentrated industries and strengthen access to financial services. Furthermore, targeted infrastructure investments that help to better connect the more remote regions to the major population centers in the country also matter for firm growth. We leave several issues to future work. These include a more detailed study of differences in the distribution of life cycle growth across cohorts and age groups. Another avenue could be to more explicitely examine the role of market power in driving life cycle growth.
Life expectancy after age 65 & parental education: Life expectancy increases with higher maternal education, no link with paternal education; maternal impact on children's health-related behaviours is a potential channel
Life expectancy and parental education. Mathias Huebener. Social Science & Medicine, May 2 2019. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2019.04.034
Highlights
• We analyse the link between life expectancy after age 65 and parental education.
• Analysis based on German Socio-Economic Panel Study and Cox models.
• Life expectancy increases with higher maternal education, no link with paternal education.
• Link persists when we control for children's education and other parental characteristics.
• Maternal impact on children's health-related behaviours is a potential channel.
Abstract: This study analyses the relationship between life expectancy and parental education. Based on data from the German Socio-Economic Panel Study and survival analysis models, we show that maternal education is related to children's life expectancy – even after controlling for children's own level of education. This applies equally to daughters and sons as well as to children's further life expectancies examined at age 35 to age 65. This pattern is more pronounced for younger cohorts. In most cases, the education of the father is not significantly related to children's life expectancy. Neither the vocational training nor the occupational position of the parents in childhood, which both correlate with household income, can explain the connection. The health behaviour of the children and the health accumulated over the life course appear as important channels. This study extends the previous literature that focused mostly on the relationship between individuals' own education and their life expectancy. It implies that the link between education and life expectancy is substantially stronger and that returns to education are higher if the intergenerational component is considered.
Life expectancy and parental education.
Highlights
• We analyse the link between life expectancy after age 65 and parental education.
• Analysis based on German Socio-Economic Panel Study and Cox models.
• Life expectancy increases with higher maternal education, no link with paternal education.
• Link persists when we control for children's education and other parental characteristics.
• Maternal impact on children's health-related behaviours is a potential channel.
Abstract: This study analyses the relationship between life expectancy and parental education. Based on data from the German Socio-Economic Panel Study and survival analysis models, we show that maternal education is related to children's life expectancy – even after controlling for children's own level of education. This applies equally to daughters and sons as well as to children's further life expectancies examined at age 35 to age 65. This pattern is more pronounced for younger cohorts. In most cases, the education of the father is not significantly related to children's life expectancy. Neither the vocational training nor the occupational position of the parents in childhood, which both correlate with household income, can explain the connection. The health behaviour of the children and the health accumulated over the life course appear as important channels. This study extends the previous literature that focused mostly on the relationship between individuals' own education and their life expectancy. It implies that the link between education and life expectancy is substantially stronger and that returns to education are higher if the intergenerational component is considered.
Life expectancy and parental education.
Frequent gossipers tend to be more extraverted; women engage in more neutral gossip than men, & younger people tend to negatively gossip more than older people; gossip tends to be neutral, rather than positive or negative
Who Gossips and How in Everyday Life? Megan L. Robbins, Alexander Karan. Social Psychological and Personality Science, May 2, 2019. https://doi.org/10.1177/1948550619837000
Abstract: Although laypeople often view gossipers as immoral, uneducated, typically female, and of lower social class, no systematic observation has empirically revealed the characteristics of those who gossip more than others nor examined the characteristics of gossip across everyday contexts. We used data from five naturalistic observation studies (N = 467) to examine who gossips and how. All participants wore the Electronically Activated Recorder (EAR), which acoustically sampled 5–12% over 2–5 days, and completed demographics and personality questionnaires. Sound files were coded for gossip, valence (positive, negative, and neutral), subject (acquaintance and celebrity), and topic (social information, physical appearance, and achievement). Frequent gossipers tended to be more extraverted. Women engaged in more neutral gossip than men, and younger people tended to negatively gossip more than older people. Gossip tended to be neutral, rather than positive or negative, and about social information. These naturalistic observation findings dispel some stereotypes about this prevalent yet misunderstood behavior.
Keywords: Electronically Activated Recorder (EAR), naturalistic observation, social interaction, personality
Check also A Small Town Takes a Stand: It Banned Gossip. James Hookway. Wall Street Journal, April 25, 2019. https://www.bipartisanalliance.com/2019/04/neighborhoods-in-philippines-pass-anti.html
Abstract: Although laypeople often view gossipers as immoral, uneducated, typically female, and of lower social class, no systematic observation has empirically revealed the characteristics of those who gossip more than others nor examined the characteristics of gossip across everyday contexts. We used data from five naturalistic observation studies (N = 467) to examine who gossips and how. All participants wore the Electronically Activated Recorder (EAR), which acoustically sampled 5–12% over 2–5 days, and completed demographics and personality questionnaires. Sound files were coded for gossip, valence (positive, negative, and neutral), subject (acquaintance and celebrity), and topic (social information, physical appearance, and achievement). Frequent gossipers tended to be more extraverted. Women engaged in more neutral gossip than men, and younger people tended to negatively gossip more than older people. Gossip tended to be neutral, rather than positive or negative, and about social information. These naturalistic observation findings dispel some stereotypes about this prevalent yet misunderstood behavior.
Keywords: Electronically Activated Recorder (EAR), naturalistic observation, social interaction, personality
Check also A Small Town Takes a Stand: It Banned Gossip. James Hookway. Wall Street Journal, April 25, 2019. https://www.bipartisanalliance.com/2019/04/neighborhoods-in-philippines-pass-anti.html
Reassessing the “Meritocratic Power” of a College Degree in Intergenerational Income Mobility: Expanding the pool of college graduates per se is unlikely to boost intergenerational income mobility in the US
Equalization or Selection? Reassessing the “Meritocratic Power” of a College Degree in Intergenerational Income Mobility. Xiang Zhou. American Sociological Review, April 30, 2019. https://doi.org/10.1177/0003122419844992
Abstract: Intergenerational mobility is higher among college graduates than among people with lower levels of education. In light of this finding, researchers have characterized a college degree as a great equalizer leveling the playing field, and proposed that expanding higher education would promote mobility. This line of reasoning rests on the implicit assumption that the relatively high mobility observed among college graduates reflects a causal effect of college completion on intergenerational mobility, an assumption that has rarely been rigorously evaluated. This article bridges this gap. Using a novel reweighting technique, I estimate the degree of intergenerational income mobility among college graduates purged of selection processes that may drive up observed mobility in this subpopulation. Analyzing data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979, I find that once selection processes are adjusted for, intergenerational income mobility among college graduates is very close to that among non-graduates. This finding suggests that expanding the pool of college graduates per se is unlikely to boost intergenerational income mobility in the United States. To promote mobility, public investments in higher education (e.g., federal and state student aid programs) should be targeted at low-income youth.
Keywords: intergenerational mobility, inequality, education, selection bias
Abstract: Intergenerational mobility is higher among college graduates than among people with lower levels of education. In light of this finding, researchers have characterized a college degree as a great equalizer leveling the playing field, and proposed that expanding higher education would promote mobility. This line of reasoning rests on the implicit assumption that the relatively high mobility observed among college graduates reflects a causal effect of college completion on intergenerational mobility, an assumption that has rarely been rigorously evaluated. This article bridges this gap. Using a novel reweighting technique, I estimate the degree of intergenerational income mobility among college graduates purged of selection processes that may drive up observed mobility in this subpopulation. Analyzing data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979, I find that once selection processes are adjusted for, intergenerational income mobility among college graduates is very close to that among non-graduates. This finding suggests that expanding the pool of college graduates per se is unlikely to boost intergenerational income mobility in the United States. To promote mobility, public investments in higher education (e.g., federal and state student aid programs) should be targeted at low-income youth.
Keywords: intergenerational mobility, inequality, education, selection bias
Thursday, May 2, 2019
Scientists explore the evolution of animal homosexuality... and its correlate in humans
Scientists explore the evolution of animal homosexuality... and its correlate in humans. Juanita Bawagan, Imperial College London, May 2, 2019. https://phys.org/news/2019-05-scientists-explore-evolution-animal-homosexuality.html
Imperial researchers are using a new approach to understand why same-sex behaviour is so common across the animal kingdom.
In 1910, a team of scientists set off on the Terra Nova Expedition to explore Antarctica. Among them was George Murray Levick, a zoologist and photographer who would be the first researcher to study the world's largest Adélie penguin colony. He chronicled the animals' daily activities in great detail.
In his notebooks, he described their sexual behaviour, including sex between male birds. However, none of these notes would appear in Levick's published papers. Concerned by the graphic content, he only printed 100 copies of Sexual Habits of the Adélie Penguin to circulate privately. The last remaining copy was recently unearthed providing valuable insights into animal homosexuality research.
But forays into animal homosexuality research long predate Levick, with observations published as far back as the 1700s and 1800s. More than 200 years later, research has moved past some of the taboos those early researchers faced and shown that homosexuality is much more common than previously thought.
Same-sex behaviour ranging from co-parenting to sex has been observed in over 1,000 species with likely many more as researchers begin to look for the behaviour explicitly. Homosexuality is widespread, with bisexuality even more prevalent across species.
Researchers are now going beyond just observing it though, with researchers at Imperial leading the way in unravelling how, and why, homosexuality is found across nature.
[Many more details at the link above]
Imperial researchers are using a new approach to understand why same-sex behaviour is so common across the animal kingdom.
In 1910, a team of scientists set off on the Terra Nova Expedition to explore Antarctica. Among them was George Murray Levick, a zoologist and photographer who would be the first researcher to study the world's largest Adélie penguin colony. He chronicled the animals' daily activities in great detail.
In his notebooks, he described their sexual behaviour, including sex between male birds. However, none of these notes would appear in Levick's published papers. Concerned by the graphic content, he only printed 100 copies of Sexual Habits of the Adélie Penguin to circulate privately. The last remaining copy was recently unearthed providing valuable insights into animal homosexuality research.
But forays into animal homosexuality research long predate Levick, with observations published as far back as the 1700s and 1800s. More than 200 years later, research has moved past some of the taboos those early researchers faced and shown that homosexuality is much more common than previously thought.
Same-sex behaviour ranging from co-parenting to sex has been observed in over 1,000 species with likely many more as researchers begin to look for the behaviour explicitly. Homosexuality is widespread, with bisexuality even more prevalent across species.
Researchers are now going beyond just observing it though, with researchers at Imperial leading the way in unravelling how, and why, homosexuality is found across nature.
[Many more details at the link above]
Did not find a significant association between changes in the frequency of adolescents’ pornography use over time and their sexual satisfaction; these patterns were similar across genders
Longitudinal Assessment of the Association Between Pornography Use and Sexual Satisfaction in Adolescence. Goran Milas, Paul Wright & Aleksandar Štulhofer. The Journal of Sex Research, May 1 2019. https://doi.org/10.1080/00224499.2019.1607817
Abstract: Pornography has been theorized to affect sexual satisfaction for decades, yet only two prospective studies, both conducted in the Netherlands, have explored this link among adolescents. Given the unprecedented availability of (online) sexually explicit content and the potential importance of its relationship to sexual satisfaction for young people, we have revisited the association between these variables in a less sexually permissive society. Using a panel sample of 775 female and 514 male Croatian high school students (Mage at baseline = 15.9 years, SD = 0.52) and latent growth curve modeling with six observation points, we did not find a significant association between changes in the frequency of adolescents’ pornography use over time and their sexual satisfaction at wave six. The association between the initial levels of pornography use and sexual satisfaction, which, if present, would have indicated a possible relationship during middle adolescence, was also null. These patterns were similar across genders. Possible explanations for the difference between our results and the results of the previous studies are discussed.
Abstract: Pornography has been theorized to affect sexual satisfaction for decades, yet only two prospective studies, both conducted in the Netherlands, have explored this link among adolescents. Given the unprecedented availability of (online) sexually explicit content and the potential importance of its relationship to sexual satisfaction for young people, we have revisited the association between these variables in a less sexually permissive society. Using a panel sample of 775 female and 514 male Croatian high school students (Mage at baseline = 15.9 years, SD = 0.52) and latent growth curve modeling with six observation points, we did not find a significant association between changes in the frequency of adolescents’ pornography use over time and their sexual satisfaction at wave six. The association between the initial levels of pornography use and sexual satisfaction, which, if present, would have indicated a possible relationship during middle adolescence, was also null. These patterns were similar across genders. Possible explanations for the difference between our results and the results of the previous studies are discussed.
Wolves acted prosocially to in-group partners; providing significantly more food to a pack-member compared to a control where the partner had no access to the food; dogs did not
Wolves, but not dogs, are prosocial in a touch screen task. Rachel Dale, Sylvain Palma-Jacinto, Sarah Marshall-Pescini, Friederike Range. PLOS, May 1, 2019. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0215444
Abstract: Prosociality is important for initiating cooperation. Interestingly, while wolves rely heavily on cooperation, dogs’ do so substantially less thus leading to the prediction that wolves are more prosocial than dogs. However, domestication hypotheses suggest dogs have been selected for higher cooperation, leading to the opposing prediction- increased prosocial tendencies in dogs. To tease apart these hypotheses we adapted a paradigm previously used with pet dogs to directly compare dogs and wolves. In a prosocial choice task, wolves acted prosocially to in-group partners; providing significantly more food to a pack-member compared to a control where the partner had no access to the food. Dogs did not. Additionally, wolves did not show a prosocial response to non-pack members, in line with previous research that social relationships are important for prosociality. In sum, when kept in the same conditions, wolves are more prosocial than their domestic counterpart, further supporting suggestions that reliance on cooperation is a driving force for prosocial attitudes.
Abstract: Prosociality is important for initiating cooperation. Interestingly, while wolves rely heavily on cooperation, dogs’ do so substantially less thus leading to the prediction that wolves are more prosocial than dogs. However, domestication hypotheses suggest dogs have been selected for higher cooperation, leading to the opposing prediction- increased prosocial tendencies in dogs. To tease apart these hypotheses we adapted a paradigm previously used with pet dogs to directly compare dogs and wolves. In a prosocial choice task, wolves acted prosocially to in-group partners; providing significantly more food to a pack-member compared to a control where the partner had no access to the food. Dogs did not. Additionally, wolves did not show a prosocial response to non-pack members, in line with previous research that social relationships are important for prosociality. In sum, when kept in the same conditions, wolves are more prosocial than their domestic counterpart, further supporting suggestions that reliance on cooperation is a driving force for prosocial attitudes.
Anjelica Huston on Roman Polanski, older guys hitting on young girls, statutory rape, almost daily MeToo experiences, and girls and boys
In Conversation: Anjelica Huston On growing up in Hollywood, the cost of beating Oprah at the Oscars, and why Jack Nicholson doesn’t act anymore. Andrew Goldman. Vulture, May 1 2019. https://www.vulture.com/2019/05/anjelica-huston-in-conversation.html
You were actually arrested for cocaine possession at Jack’s house in 1977. What did your father say?
Not a thing. He was a prince. Never mentioned it. It was like, “You need my help, honey?” Princely.
Was the arrest embarrassing to you?
Oh, awful. So embarrassing, humiliating. I was really ashamed.
You were arrested because you happened to be in Jack’s house when Roman Polanski raped 13-year-old Samantha Geimer. How did you feel about that?
Well, see, it’s a story that could’ve happened ten years before in England or France or Italy or Spain or Portugal, and no one would’ve heard anything about it. And that’s how these guys enjoy their time. It was a whole playboy movement in France when I was a young girl, 15, 16 years old, doing my first collections. You would go to Régine or Castel in Paris, and the older guys would all hit on you. Any club you cared to mention in Europe. It was de rigueur for most of those guys like Roman who had grown up with the European sensibility.
Among a lot of Hollywood men, it was acceptable at that time to treat women as though they were disposable.
I think they’re still doing it. I was at the hairdresser’s yesterday, and I heard tales of such horror from women. There was one other client and two girls who were working in this rather small hairdressing shop. And one of the girls had been passed a Mickey Finn in a bar and had woken up on a couch with a guy ejaculating wildly all over her face. And as she was telling the story, another girl who worked in the salon came in and said, “The weirdest thing happened to my friend last night. She was found at four in the morning in the Wilshire district, coatless, shoeless, with scratches and bruises all over her body. She doesn’t know whether she was raped. So, I’m trying to stop her from having a bath because we need to get her to the police.”
So you don’t think anything has changed?
No, I don’t. And frankly, I think there’s a whole element of guys who will get up to what they want to get up to. I didn’t think Brett Kavanaugh was all that believable. And yet this whole thing continues to be whitewashed and whitewashed and whitewashed. On the other hand, there is a thing called a male imperative, and it is maybe stronger than any #MeToo movement, because it happens at birth. I have a great 3-year-old nephew who made his way over to my umbrella rack the other day and pulled an Irish walking stick out and said, “I am the leader of the universe.” Girls don’t do that.
Did you have what would have qualified as #MeToo experiences?
Yeah, yeah.
What happened?
You’d have to ask me that on a daily basis, practically. That’s how often it happens, that you’re objectified, or misread, or put down. I think men do it a lot, and I don’t really think half the time they know what they’re doing. That’s how inured they are.
You were certainly objectified. Elia Kazan wasn’t great to you when he was casting The Last Tycoon.
He said, to a random woman waiting at a bus stop, “Do you think she’s beautiful?” She said, “I wouldn’t say ‘beautiful.’ Interesting, maybe.” I watched the part fly out the door. It was the “right girl” in The Last Tycoon,the part Ingrid Boulting got. I got the “wrong girl” part. But that was mild, compared to some shit that goes down.
You were in two Woody Allen films, Crimes and Misdemeanors, alongside Mia Farrow, and then Manhattan Murder Mystery. Woody Allen is basically unable to make films now because of the outcry about the molestation allegations.
I think that’s after two states investigated him, and neither of them prosecuted him.
Well, the industry seems to be treating him as though he’s guilty. Would you work with him again?
Yeah, in a second.
Jeffrey Tambor, whose girlfriend you played on seasons two and three of Transparent, was accused by his former assistant and an actress on the show of behaving inappropriately toward them. Did you know the two women?
I’ve met them both. At least insofar as I was concerned, nobody did or said anything inappropriate. I do think in this work we have to feel freedom. We have to feel as though we can say and do things that are not necessarily judged, particularly by the other people in the cast or crew.
So you think what happens on the set should stay on the set, and there are processes that make the rules of behavior a little different from what you might find at a corporate job?
That’s absolutely what I’m saying.
So would it be fair to say this is a defense of things that Jeffrey might have said that were possibly misinterpreted?
Yes, that is fair. He certainly never said or did anything inappropriate with me.
How did you come down on Polanski when people were signing petitions to have him readmitted to the U.S.?
My opinion is: He’s paid his price, and at the time that it happened, it was kind of unprecedented. This was not an unusual situation. You know that movie An Education with Carey Mulligan? That happened to me. It’s about a schoolgirl in England who falls in love with an older dude, Peter Sarsgaard. My first serious boyfriend I met when he was 42 and I was 18.
The photographer Bob Richardson. It wasn’t illegal though.
He was way older than me. I mean, old enough to know better. But these things happen, that’s what I’m saying. These things weren’t judged on the same basis that they’re judged on now. So you can’t compare them.
He was abusive, correct?
Yeah. In modern terms. We wouldn’t have known what to call it then. I don’t think he set out to be abusive, but he was manic-depressive. He was schizophrenic.Richardson, whose schizophrenia was diagnosed in the ’60s and exacerbated by drug and alcohol abuse, was periodically homeless, and often living on Southern California beaches. His son, the photographer Terry Richardson, got him off the streets in 1984. He died in Manhattan in 2005 at 77. So you can’t really say that schizophrenic is abusive, although to live with a schizophrenic is about as difficult.
You wrote that you once made him a steak and he threw it against the wall because it took too long.
At first I said, “What have I done?” And then at a certain point, I just had to get away. My mother had just died, so I think I was looking for someone to take care of me. And not take care of me at the same time. It was very dramatic. He also was extremely controlling, so he hated when I worked with other photographers.
You were actually arrested for cocaine possession at Jack’s house in 1977. What did your father say?
Not a thing. He was a prince. Never mentioned it. It was like, “You need my help, honey?” Princely.
Was the arrest embarrassing to you?
Oh, awful. So embarrassing, humiliating. I was really ashamed.
You were arrested because you happened to be in Jack’s house when Roman Polanski raped 13-year-old Samantha Geimer. How did you feel about that?
Well, see, it’s a story that could’ve happened ten years before in England or France or Italy or Spain or Portugal, and no one would’ve heard anything about it. And that’s how these guys enjoy their time. It was a whole playboy movement in France when I was a young girl, 15, 16 years old, doing my first collections. You would go to Régine or Castel in Paris, and the older guys would all hit on you. Any club you cared to mention in Europe. It was de rigueur for most of those guys like Roman who had grown up with the European sensibility.
Among a lot of Hollywood men, it was acceptable at that time to treat women as though they were disposable.
I think they’re still doing it. I was at the hairdresser’s yesterday, and I heard tales of such horror from women. There was one other client and two girls who were working in this rather small hairdressing shop. And one of the girls had been passed a Mickey Finn in a bar and had woken up on a couch with a guy ejaculating wildly all over her face. And as she was telling the story, another girl who worked in the salon came in and said, “The weirdest thing happened to my friend last night. She was found at four in the morning in the Wilshire district, coatless, shoeless, with scratches and bruises all over her body. She doesn’t know whether she was raped. So, I’m trying to stop her from having a bath because we need to get her to the police.”
So you don’t think anything has changed?
No, I don’t. And frankly, I think there’s a whole element of guys who will get up to what they want to get up to. I didn’t think Brett Kavanaugh was all that believable. And yet this whole thing continues to be whitewashed and whitewashed and whitewashed. On the other hand, there is a thing called a male imperative, and it is maybe stronger than any #MeToo movement, because it happens at birth. I have a great 3-year-old nephew who made his way over to my umbrella rack the other day and pulled an Irish walking stick out and said, “I am the leader of the universe.” Girls don’t do that.
Did you have what would have qualified as #MeToo experiences?
Yeah, yeah.
What happened?
You’d have to ask me that on a daily basis, practically. That’s how often it happens, that you’re objectified, or misread, or put down. I think men do it a lot, and I don’t really think half the time they know what they’re doing. That’s how inured they are.
You were certainly objectified. Elia Kazan wasn’t great to you when he was casting The Last Tycoon.
He said, to a random woman waiting at a bus stop, “Do you think she’s beautiful?” She said, “I wouldn’t say ‘beautiful.’ Interesting, maybe.” I watched the part fly out the door. It was the “right girl” in The Last Tycoon,the part Ingrid Boulting got. I got the “wrong girl” part. But that was mild, compared to some shit that goes down.
You were in two Woody Allen films, Crimes and Misdemeanors, alongside Mia Farrow, and then Manhattan Murder Mystery. Woody Allen is basically unable to make films now because of the outcry about the molestation allegations.
I think that’s after two states investigated him, and neither of them prosecuted him.
Well, the industry seems to be treating him as though he’s guilty. Would you work with him again?
Yeah, in a second.
Jeffrey Tambor, whose girlfriend you played on seasons two and three of Transparent, was accused by his former assistant and an actress on the show of behaving inappropriately toward them. Did you know the two women?
I’ve met them both. At least insofar as I was concerned, nobody did or said anything inappropriate. I do think in this work we have to feel freedom. We have to feel as though we can say and do things that are not necessarily judged, particularly by the other people in the cast or crew.
So you think what happens on the set should stay on the set, and there are processes that make the rules of behavior a little different from what you might find at a corporate job?
That’s absolutely what I’m saying.
So would it be fair to say this is a defense of things that Jeffrey might have said that were possibly misinterpreted?
Yes, that is fair. He certainly never said or did anything inappropriate with me.
How did you come down on Polanski when people were signing petitions to have him readmitted to the U.S.?
My opinion is: He’s paid his price, and at the time that it happened, it was kind of unprecedented. This was not an unusual situation. You know that movie An Education with Carey Mulligan? That happened to me. It’s about a schoolgirl in England who falls in love with an older dude, Peter Sarsgaard. My first serious boyfriend I met when he was 42 and I was 18.
The photographer Bob Richardson. It wasn’t illegal though.
He was way older than me. I mean, old enough to know better. But these things happen, that’s what I’m saying. These things weren’t judged on the same basis that they’re judged on now. So you can’t compare them.
He was abusive, correct?
Yeah. In modern terms. We wouldn’t have known what to call it then. I don’t think he set out to be abusive, but he was manic-depressive. He was schizophrenic.Richardson, whose schizophrenia was diagnosed in the ’60s and exacerbated by drug and alcohol abuse, was periodically homeless, and often living on Southern California beaches. His son, the photographer Terry Richardson, got him off the streets in 1984. He died in Manhattan in 2005 at 77. So you can’t really say that schizophrenic is abusive, although to live with a schizophrenic is about as difficult.
You wrote that you once made him a steak and he threw it against the wall because it took too long.
At first I said, “What have I done?” And then at a certain point, I just had to get away. My mother had just died, so I think I was looking for someone to take care of me. And not take care of me at the same time. It was very dramatic. He also was extremely controlling, so he hated when I worked with other photographers.
Visual Deep Neural Networks: Trained with impoverished data, lack adaptations to attentional mechanisms, visual working memory, & compressed mental representations that preserve relevant abstractions
Comparing the Visual Representations and Performance of Humans and Deep Neural Networks. Robert A. Jacobs, Christopher J. Bates. Current Directions in Psychological Science, November 27, 2018. https://doi.org/10.1177/0963721418801342
Abstract: Although deep neural networks (DNNs) are state-of-the-art artificial intelligence systems, it is unclear what insights, if any, they provide about human intelligence. We address this issue in the domain of visual perception. After briefly describing DNNs, we provide an overview of recent results comparing human visual representations and performance with those of DNNs. In many cases, DNNs acquire visual representations and processing strategies that are very different from those used by people. We conjecture that there are at least two factors preventing them from serving as better psychological models. First, DNNs are currently trained with impoverished data, such as data lacking important visual cues to three-dimensional structure, data lacking multisensory statistical regularities, and data in which stimuli are unconnected to an observer’s actions and goals. Second, DNNs typically lack adaptations to capacity limits, such as attentional mechanisms, visual working memory, and compressed mental representations biased toward preserving task-relevant abstractions.
Keywords: perception, vision, artificial intelligence, deep neural networks
Abstract: Although deep neural networks (DNNs) are state-of-the-art artificial intelligence systems, it is unclear what insights, if any, they provide about human intelligence. We address this issue in the domain of visual perception. After briefly describing DNNs, we provide an overview of recent results comparing human visual representations and performance with those of DNNs. In many cases, DNNs acquire visual representations and processing strategies that are very different from those used by people. We conjecture that there are at least two factors preventing them from serving as better psychological models. First, DNNs are currently trained with impoverished data, such as data lacking important visual cues to three-dimensional structure, data lacking multisensory statistical regularities, and data in which stimuli are unconnected to an observer’s actions and goals. Second, DNNs typically lack adaptations to capacity limits, such as attentional mechanisms, visual working memory, and compressed mental representations biased toward preserving task-relevant abstractions.
Keywords: perception, vision, artificial intelligence, deep neural networks
Hansen & Wänke 2010 (participants judge concretely worded trivia items as more likely to be true than abstractly worded ones) is non-replicable
Henderson, E. L., Vallée-Tourangeau, F., & Simons, D. J. (2019). The Effect of Concrete Wording on Truth Judgements: A Preregistered Replication and Extension of Hansen & Wänke (2010). Collabra: Psychology, 5(1), 19. DOI: http://doi.org/10.1525/collabra.192
Abstract: When you lack the facts, how do you decide what is true and what is not? In the absence of knowledge, we sometimes rely on non-probative information. For example, participants judge concretely worded trivia items as more likely to be true than abstractly worded ones (the linguistic truth effect; Hansen & Wänke, 2010). If minor language differences affect truth judgements, ultimately they could influence more consequential political, legal, health, and interpersonal choices. This Registered Report includes two high-powered replication attempts of Experiment 1 from Hansen and Wänke (2010). Experiment 1a was a dual-site, in-person replication of the linguistic concreteness effect in the original paper-and-pencil format (n = 253, n = 246 in analyses). Experiment 1b replicated the study with an online sample (n = 237, n = 220 in analyses). In Experiment 1a, the effect of concreteness on judgements of truth (Cohen’s dz = 0.08; 95% CI: [–0.03, 0.18]) was smaller than that of the original study. Similarly, in Experiment 1b the effect (Cohen’s dz = 0.11; 95% CI [–0.01, 0.22]) was smaller than that of the original study. Collectively, the pattern of results is inconsistent with that of the original study.
Keywords: replication , truth judgements , truth effect , concreteness , language , Registered Report
Abstract: When you lack the facts, how do you decide what is true and what is not? In the absence of knowledge, we sometimes rely on non-probative information. For example, participants judge concretely worded trivia items as more likely to be true than abstractly worded ones (the linguistic truth effect; Hansen & Wänke, 2010). If minor language differences affect truth judgements, ultimately they could influence more consequential political, legal, health, and interpersonal choices. This Registered Report includes two high-powered replication attempts of Experiment 1 from Hansen and Wänke (2010). Experiment 1a was a dual-site, in-person replication of the linguistic concreteness effect in the original paper-and-pencil format (n = 253, n = 246 in analyses). Experiment 1b replicated the study with an online sample (n = 237, n = 220 in analyses). In Experiment 1a, the effect of concreteness on judgements of truth (Cohen’s dz = 0.08; 95% CI: [–0.03, 0.18]) was smaller than that of the original study. Similarly, in Experiment 1b the effect (Cohen’s dz = 0.11; 95% CI [–0.01, 0.22]) was smaller than that of the original study. Collectively, the pattern of results is inconsistent with that of the original study.
Keywords: replication , truth judgements , truth effect , concreteness , language , Registered Report
Adolescent Sexting: Myths, Facts, and Advice
Adolescent Sexting: Myths, Facts, and Advice. Joris Van Ouytsel et al. NASN School Nurse, April 25, 2019. https://doi.org/10.1177/1942602X19843113
Abstract: Adolescent sexting remains an important public health issue because of the potential for psychosocial and legal consequences. This article briefly reviews the current state of the science of adolescent sexting research. It serves as an up-to-date and data-driven resource to school nurses and school staff to help augment understanding and facilitate discussion regarding teen sexting. The review is structured along popular myths about sexting.
Keywords: sexting, sexual risk behavior, electronic media: public health, cyberbullying
---
Myth 1: The Prevalence of Sexting Is Drastically on the Rise
Myth 2: Girls Are More Likely to Sext Than BoysAnother common
Myth 3: If Teenagers Are Engaging in Online Sexual Risk Behaviors, They Must Be Engaging in Offline Sexual Risk Behaviors
Myth 4: Sexts Are Meant as a Means to “Hook Up” (i.e., Engage in Casual Sexual Behavior)
Abstract: Adolescent sexting remains an important public health issue because of the potential for psychosocial and legal consequences. This article briefly reviews the current state of the science of adolescent sexting research. It serves as an up-to-date and data-driven resource to school nurses and school staff to help augment understanding and facilitate discussion regarding teen sexting. The review is structured along popular myths about sexting.
Keywords: sexting, sexual risk behavior, electronic media: public health, cyberbullying
---
Myth 1: The Prevalence of Sexting Is Drastically on the Rise
Myth 2: Girls Are More Likely to Sext Than BoysAnother common
Myth 3: If Teenagers Are Engaging in Online Sexual Risk Behaviors, They Must Be Engaging in Offline Sexual Risk Behaviors
Myth 4: Sexts Are Meant as a Means to “Hook Up” (i.e., Engage in Casual Sexual Behavior)
Wednesday, May 1, 2019
Men are more optimistic than women; men are also more prone to be wrong in their beliefs about the future economic situation; & in sharp economic downturns, the gender differences in optimism disappear
Bjuggren, Carl Magnus & Elert, Niklas, 2019. "Gender Differences in Optimism," Working Paper Series 1275, Research Institute of Industrial Economics. https://ideas.repec.org/p/hhs/iuiwop/1275.html
Abstract: This paper examines gender differences in optimism about the economy. We measure optimism using Swedish survey data in which respondents stated their beliefs about the country’s future economic situation. We argue that this measure of optimism is preferable to common measurements in the literature since it avoids confounding individuals’ economic situation with their perception of the future and it can be compared to economic indicators. In line with previous research, we find that men are more optimistic than women; however, men are also more prone to be wrong in their beliefs about the future economic situation. Furthermore, in sharp economic downturns, the gender differences in optimism disappear. This convergence in beliefs can be explained by the amount of available information on the economy.
Abstract: This paper examines gender differences in optimism about the economy. We measure optimism using Swedish survey data in which respondents stated their beliefs about the country’s future economic situation. We argue that this measure of optimism is preferable to common measurements in the literature since it avoids confounding individuals’ economic situation with their perception of the future and it can be compared to economic indicators. In line with previous research, we find that men are more optimistic than women; however, men are also more prone to be wrong in their beliefs about the future economic situation. Furthermore, in sharp economic downturns, the gender differences in optimism disappear. This convergence in beliefs can be explained by the amount of available information on the economy.
Do we want to regulate ideas conflict, or compete and promote our own ideas, or avoid conflict and yield to others' ideas?
Sociocognitive Conflict Regulation: How to Make Sense of Diverging Ideas. Fabrizio Butera, Nicolas Sommet, Céline Darnon. Current Directions in Psychological Science, February 4, 2019. https://doi.org/10.1177/0963721418813986
Abstract: Sociocognitive conflict arises when people hold different views or ideas about the same object, and it has the potential to promote learning, cognitive development, and positive social relations. The promotion of these outcomes, however, depends on how the conflict is regulated and with what goals: Mastery goals predict epistemic conflict regulation and the elaboration of multiple ideas, performance-approach goals predict competitive conflict regulation and the promotion of one’s own ideas, and performance-avoidance goals predict protective conflict regulation and yielding to other people’s ideas. Conflict regulation thus determines the conditions under which confronting diverging ideas results in positive cognitive and relational outcomes.
Keywords: sociocognitive conflict, conflict regulation, achievement goals, learning, cognitive development
---
The concept of conflict has a lengthy history in psy-chological science, albeit with different interpretations. From early studies on intergroup conflict (Sherif, 1966) to more recent work on oppression (Sidanius & Pratto, 2001), social psychology has traditionally focused on destructive conflicts (Sommet, Quiamzade, & Butera, 2017) based on competition between individuals and between groups. On the contrary, from Piaget’s studies on the equilibration of cognitive structures (1975/1985) to work on conceptual change (Chi, 2008), cognitive psychology and the learning sciences have focused on constructive conflicts based on individual exposure to contradictory information (Limón, 2001). The present article presents the integrative framework of sociocog-nitive conflict stemming from research on sociocogni-tive development (Doise & Mugny, 1984) and social influence (Pérez & Mugny, 1996). This line of research has demonstrated that conflict can be either construc-tive or destructive depending on the way it is regulated (Butera, Darnon, & Mugny, 2011).
The Concept of Sociocognitive Conflict
The concept of sociocognitive conflict was introduced by Mugny and Doise (1978) and Doise and Mugny (1984) to account for the finding that children interact-ing with others are more likely to progress on a task than children working alone. This work was based on Piaget’s concept of cognitive conflict (Piaget, 1975/1985), which arises when a child’s cognitive structures are disrupted by new and inconsistent information. The disequilibrium that ensues requires some adjustment in the child’s cognitive structures, which leads to more elaborate knowledge and cognitive gains. Very often, however, direct information from the object is not available or is misleading, cognitive conflict does not take place, and people may carry on with false or suboptimal knowledge.
Doise and Mugny (1984) reasoned that children reach a higher level of cognitive development when interacting with others than when working alone because the disequilibrium may come from the diver-gent point of view of their partner. The disruption of previous knowledge by a dissenting partner is called sociocognitive conflict. This conflict requires some adjustment and may thereby result in more elaborate knowledge. The constructive effects of such conflictual interactions have been documented in dozens of experiments with children (Doise & Mugny, 1984) and adults (Darnon, Buchs, & Butera, 2002), replicated by other laboratories (Ames & Murray, 1982), and extended to the realm of professional and political decision making (see Johnson’s, 2015, work on “constructive controversy”) and interactions in computer-supported collaborative learning groups (see Kapur’s, 2008, work on “productive failure”).
Importantly, the observed progress is accounted for by conflict and not merely by interaction: Mugny and Doise (1978) showed that interaction led to progress even when a child interacted with a partner who had a lower level of cognitive development, which is incon-sistent with an explanation in terms of the mere transfer of competences. Later, Doise and Mugny (1979) showed that interindividual conflict (between two children with opposing viewpoints) led to greater cognitive progress than intraindividual conflict (each child experiencing two viewpoints).
Table 1. Items Used to Assess Self-Reported Sociocognitive Conflict Regulation (From Darnon, Muller, Schrager, Pannuzzo, & Butera, 2006; Sommet et al., 2014)
Conflict-regulation strategy: Epistemic
When disagreements occurred, to what extent did you . . .
•Try to think about the text again in order to understand better?
•Try to examine the conditions under which each point of view could help you understand?
•Try to think of a solution that could integrate both points of view?
Conflict-regulation strategy: Competitive relational
When disagreements occurred, to what extent did you . . .
•Try to resist by maintaining your initial position?
•Try to show your partner was wrong?
•Try to show you were right?
Conflict-regulation strategy: Protective relational
When disagreements occurred, to what extent did you . . .
•Think your partner was certainly more correct than you?
•Comply with his/her proposition?
•Agree with his/her own way of viewing things?
Table 2. Instructions Used to Manipulate Achievement Goals (From Darnon, Harackiewicz, Butera, Mugny, & Quiamzade, 2007; Darnon, Muller, Schrager, Pannuzzo, & Butera, 2006)
Achievement goal: Mastery
“It is very important for you to accurately understand the aims of this experiment. You are here to acquire new knowledge that could be useful to you, to understand correctly the experiments and the ideas developed in the text, and to discover new concepts. In other words, you are here to learn.”
Achievement goal: Performance-approach
“The experimenters will evaluate your performance. It is important for you to perform well and obtain a good grade on the different tasks presented here. You should know that a lot of students will do this task. You are asked to keep in mind that you should try to distinguish yourself positively, that is, to perform better than the majority of students. In other words, what we ask you here is to show your competencies, your abilities.”
Achievement goal: Performance-avoidance
“The experimenters will evaluate your performance. It is important for you to avoid performing poorly and not obtain a bad grade on the different tasks presented here. You should know that a lot of students will do this task. You are asked to keep in mind that you should try not to distinguish yourself negatively, that is, try not to perform more poorly than the majority of students. In other words, what we ask you here is to avoid performing poorly.”
Abstract: Sociocognitive conflict arises when people hold different views or ideas about the same object, and it has the potential to promote learning, cognitive development, and positive social relations. The promotion of these outcomes, however, depends on how the conflict is regulated and with what goals: Mastery goals predict epistemic conflict regulation and the elaboration of multiple ideas, performance-approach goals predict competitive conflict regulation and the promotion of one’s own ideas, and performance-avoidance goals predict protective conflict regulation and yielding to other people’s ideas. Conflict regulation thus determines the conditions under which confronting diverging ideas results in positive cognitive and relational outcomes.
Keywords: sociocognitive conflict, conflict regulation, achievement goals, learning, cognitive development
---
The concept of conflict has a lengthy history in psy-chological science, albeit with different interpretations. From early studies on intergroup conflict (Sherif, 1966) to more recent work on oppression (Sidanius & Pratto, 2001), social psychology has traditionally focused on destructive conflicts (Sommet, Quiamzade, & Butera, 2017) based on competition between individuals and between groups. On the contrary, from Piaget’s studies on the equilibration of cognitive structures (1975/1985) to work on conceptual change (Chi, 2008), cognitive psychology and the learning sciences have focused on constructive conflicts based on individual exposure to contradictory information (Limón, 2001). The present article presents the integrative framework of sociocog-nitive conflict stemming from research on sociocogni-tive development (Doise & Mugny, 1984) and social influence (Pérez & Mugny, 1996). This line of research has demonstrated that conflict can be either construc-tive or destructive depending on the way it is regulated (Butera, Darnon, & Mugny, 2011).
The Concept of Sociocognitive Conflict
The concept of sociocognitive conflict was introduced by Mugny and Doise (1978) and Doise and Mugny (1984) to account for the finding that children interact-ing with others are more likely to progress on a task than children working alone. This work was based on Piaget’s concept of cognitive conflict (Piaget, 1975/1985), which arises when a child’s cognitive structures are disrupted by new and inconsistent information. The disequilibrium that ensues requires some adjustment in the child’s cognitive structures, which leads to more elaborate knowledge and cognitive gains. Very often, however, direct information from the object is not available or is misleading, cognitive conflict does not take place, and people may carry on with false or suboptimal knowledge.
Doise and Mugny (1984) reasoned that children reach a higher level of cognitive development when interacting with others than when working alone because the disequilibrium may come from the diver-gent point of view of their partner. The disruption of previous knowledge by a dissenting partner is called sociocognitive conflict. This conflict requires some adjustment and may thereby result in more elaborate knowledge. The constructive effects of such conflictual interactions have been documented in dozens of experiments with children (Doise & Mugny, 1984) and adults (Darnon, Buchs, & Butera, 2002), replicated by other laboratories (Ames & Murray, 1982), and extended to the realm of professional and political decision making (see Johnson’s, 2015, work on “constructive controversy”) and interactions in computer-supported collaborative learning groups (see Kapur’s, 2008, work on “productive failure”).
Importantly, the observed progress is accounted for by conflict and not merely by interaction: Mugny and Doise (1978) showed that interaction led to progress even when a child interacted with a partner who had a lower level of cognitive development, which is incon-sistent with an explanation in terms of the mere transfer of competences. Later, Doise and Mugny (1979) showed that interindividual conflict (between two children with opposing viewpoints) led to greater cognitive progress than intraindividual conflict (each child experiencing two viewpoints).
Table 1. Items Used to Assess Self-Reported Sociocognitive Conflict Regulation (From Darnon, Muller, Schrager, Pannuzzo, & Butera, 2006; Sommet et al., 2014)
Conflict-regulation strategy: Epistemic
When disagreements occurred, to what extent did you . . .
•Try to think about the text again in order to understand better?
•Try to examine the conditions under which each point of view could help you understand?
•Try to think of a solution that could integrate both points of view?
Conflict-regulation strategy: Competitive relational
When disagreements occurred, to what extent did you . . .
•Try to resist by maintaining your initial position?
•Try to show your partner was wrong?
•Try to show you were right?
Conflict-regulation strategy: Protective relational
When disagreements occurred, to what extent did you . . .
•Think your partner was certainly more correct than you?
•Comply with his/her proposition?
•Agree with his/her own way of viewing things?
Table 2. Instructions Used to Manipulate Achievement Goals (From Darnon, Harackiewicz, Butera, Mugny, & Quiamzade, 2007; Darnon, Muller, Schrager, Pannuzzo, & Butera, 2006)
Achievement goal: Mastery
“It is very important for you to accurately understand the aims of this experiment. You are here to acquire new knowledge that could be useful to you, to understand correctly the experiments and the ideas developed in the text, and to discover new concepts. In other words, you are here to learn.”
Achievement goal: Performance-approach
“The experimenters will evaluate your performance. It is important for you to perform well and obtain a good grade on the different tasks presented here. You should know that a lot of students will do this task. You are asked to keep in mind that you should try to distinguish yourself positively, that is, to perform better than the majority of students. In other words, what we ask you here is to show your competencies, your abilities.”
Achievement goal: Performance-avoidance
“The experimenters will evaluate your performance. It is important for you to avoid performing poorly and not obtain a bad grade on the different tasks presented here. You should know that a lot of students will do this task. You are asked to keep in mind that you should try not to distinguish yourself negatively, that is, try not to perform more poorly than the majority of students. In other words, what we ask you here is to avoid performing poorly.”
Captive apes failed to respect others' claim on food resources & frequently monopolized the resources when had opportunity; children respected & made spontaneous verbal references to ownership
Children, but not great apes, respect ownership. Patricia Kanngiesser et al. Developmental Science, April 30 2019. https://doi.org/10.1111/desc.12842
Abstract: Access to and control of resources is a major source of costly conflicts. Animals, under some conditions, respect what others control and use (i.e., possession). Humans not only respect possession of resources, they also respect ownership. Ownership can be viewed as a cooperative arrangement, where individuals inhibit their tendency to take others’ property on the condition that those others will do the same. We investigated to what degree great apes follow this principle, as compared to human children. We conducted two experiments, in which dyads of individuals could access the same food resources. The main test of respect for ownership was whether individuals would refrain from taking their partner's resources even when the partner could not immediately access and control them. Captive apes (N = 14 dyads) failed to respect their partner's claim on food resources and frequently monopolized the resources when given the opportunity. Human children (N = 14 dyads), tested with a similar apparatus and procedure, respected their partner's claim and made spontaneous verbal references to ownership. Such respect for the property of others highlights the uniquely cooperative nature of human ownership arrangements.
Abstract: Access to and control of resources is a major source of costly conflicts. Animals, under some conditions, respect what others control and use (i.e., possession). Humans not only respect possession of resources, they also respect ownership. Ownership can be viewed as a cooperative arrangement, where individuals inhibit their tendency to take others’ property on the condition that those others will do the same. We investigated to what degree great apes follow this principle, as compared to human children. We conducted two experiments, in which dyads of individuals could access the same food resources. The main test of respect for ownership was whether individuals would refrain from taking their partner's resources even when the partner could not immediately access and control them. Captive apes (N = 14 dyads) failed to respect their partner's claim on food resources and frequently monopolized the resources when given the opportunity. Human children (N = 14 dyads), tested with a similar apparatus and procedure, respected their partner's claim and made spontaneous verbal references to ownership. Such respect for the property of others highlights the uniquely cooperative nature of human ownership arrangements.
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