GPS-use negatively affects environmental learning through spatial transformation abilities. Ian T. Ruginski et al. Journal of Environmental Psychology, May 4 2019. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvp.2019.05.001
Highlights
• Individuals with low navigation ability use GPS often.
• High navigation ability is more predictive of learning a new environment than GPS-use.
• However, GPS use still independently affects spatial transformation skills.
• Overall, GPS use affects ability to learn environments through transformation skills.
Abstract: Research has established that GPS use negatively affects environmental learning and navigation in laboratory studies. Furthermore, the ability to mentally rotate objects and imagine locations from other perspectives (both known as spatial transformations) is positively related to environmental learning. Using previously validated spatial transformation and environmental learning tasks, the current study assessed a theoretical model where long-term GPS use is associated with worse mental rotation and perspective-taking spatial transformation abilities, which then predicts decreased ability to learn novel environments. We expected this prediction to hold even after controlling for self-reported navigation ability, which is also associated with better spatial transformation and environmental learning capabilities. We found that mental rotation and perspective-taking ability fully account for the effect of GPS use on learning of a virtual environment. This relationship remained after controlling for existing navigation ability. Specifically, GPS use is negatively associated with perspective-taking indirectly through mental rotation; we propose that GPS use affects the transformation ability common to mental rotation and perspective-taking.
GPS-use negatively affects environmental learning through spatial
transformation abilities
Monday, May 6, 2019
Results on the link between shyness and social media use had been inconclusive; new work shows that the shy has less contacts and interactions not only in real life, but in social networks too
Shyness and social media use: A meta-analytic summary of moderating and mediating effects. Markus Appel, Timo Gnambs. Computers in Human Behavior, May 6 2019. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2019.04.018
Highlights
• Results on the link between shyness and social media use had been inconclusive.
• A three-level, random effects meta-analysis was conducted.
• The kind of usage variable investigated moderated the relationship.
• Shyness was negatively associated with active use and with the number of contacts.
• A meta-analytic mediation model connected shyness, SNS contacts, and well-being.
Abstract: Since the advent of social networking sites (SNSs) such as Facebook and Twitter (often called social media), the link between shyness and using these platforms has received substantial scholarly attention. We assumed that the diverging findings could be explained by the patterns of use examined in the primary studies. A three-level, random effects meta-analysis was conducted (50 effect sizes, total N = 6989). Shyness and SNS use across all available indicators were unrelated. As predicted, the association was moderated by the specific SNS use pattern. Shyness was negatively associated with active use (e.g., posting photos), ρ = −0.11, 95% CI [-0.20, −0.03], and with the number of SNS contacts (i.e., online network size), ρ = −0.26, 95% CI [-0.34, −0.17]. Negligible or no associations were found for general use (e.g., daily logins), ρ = 0.07, 95% CI [0.02, 0.13], or passive use (reading others’ posts), ρ = 0.07, 95% CI [-0.01, 0.14]. A meta-analytic mediation model suggests that the number of SNS contacts can partially explain the previously identified negative association between shyness and well-being.
Highlights
• Results on the link between shyness and social media use had been inconclusive.
• A three-level, random effects meta-analysis was conducted.
• The kind of usage variable investigated moderated the relationship.
• Shyness was negatively associated with active use and with the number of contacts.
• A meta-analytic mediation model connected shyness, SNS contacts, and well-being.
Abstract: Since the advent of social networking sites (SNSs) such as Facebook and Twitter (often called social media), the link between shyness and using these platforms has received substantial scholarly attention. We assumed that the diverging findings could be explained by the patterns of use examined in the primary studies. A three-level, random effects meta-analysis was conducted (50 effect sizes, total N = 6989). Shyness and SNS use across all available indicators were unrelated. As predicted, the association was moderated by the specific SNS use pattern. Shyness was negatively associated with active use (e.g., posting photos), ρ = −0.11, 95% CI [-0.20, −0.03], and with the number of SNS contacts (i.e., online network size), ρ = −0.26, 95% CI [-0.34, −0.17]. Negligible or no associations were found for general use (e.g., daily logins), ρ = 0.07, 95% CI [0.02, 0.13], or passive use (reading others’ posts), ρ = 0.07, 95% CI [-0.01, 0.14]. A meta-analytic mediation model suggests that the number of SNS contacts can partially explain the previously identified negative association between shyness and well-being.
The agreeable ones cooperate more at first, but don't have the strategic ability & consistency of those of high IQ; conscientiousness errs in caution, which deters cooperation
Intelligence, Personality, and Gains from Cooperation in Repeated Interactions. Eugenio Proto, Aldo Rustichini, Andis Sofianos. Journal of Political Economy, Apr 10, 2019. https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/pdfplus/10.1086/701355
Abstract: We study how intelligence and personality affect the outcomes of groups, focusing on repeated interactions that provide the opportunity for profitable cooperation. Our experimental method creates two groups of subjects who have different levels of certain traits, such as higher or lower levels of Intelligence, Conscientiousness, and Agreeableness, but who are very similar otherwise. Intelligence has a large and positive long-run effect on cooperative behavior. The effect is strong when at the equilibrium of the repeated game there is a trade-off between short-run gains and long-run losses. Conscientiousness and Agreeableness have a natural, significant but transitory effect on cooperation rates.
Intelligence, Personality, and Gains from Cooperation in Repeated Interactions. Eugenio Proto, Aldo Rustichini, Andis Sofianos. Journal of Political Economy, Apr 10, 2019. https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/pdfplus/10.1086/701355
We study how intelligence and personality affect the outcomes of groups, focusing on repeated interactions that provide the opportunity for profitable cooperation. Our experimental method creates two groups of subjects who have different levels of certain traits, such as higher or lower levels of Intelligence, Conscientiousness, and Agreeableness, but who are very similar otherwise. Intelligence has a large and positive long-run effect on cooperative behavior. The effect is strong when at the equilibrium of the repeated game there is a trade-off between short-run gains and long-run losses. Conscientiousness and Agreeableness have a natural, significant but transitory effect on cooperation rates.
Abstract: We study how intelligence and personality affect the outcomes of groups, focusing on repeated interactions that provide the opportunity for profitable cooperation. Our experimental method creates two groups of subjects who have different levels of certain traits, such as higher or lower levels of Intelligence, Conscientiousness, and Agreeableness, but who are very similar otherwise. Intelligence has a large and positive long-run effect on cooperative behavior. The effect is strong when at the equilibrium of the repeated game there is a trade-off between short-run gains and long-run losses. Conscientiousness and Agreeableness have a natural, significant but transitory effect on cooperation rates.
Intelligence, Personality, and Gains from Cooperation in Repeated Interactions. Eugenio Proto, Aldo Rustichini, Andis Sofianos. Journal of Political Economy, Apr 10, 2019. https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/pdfplus/10.1086/701355
We study how intelligence and personality affect the outcomes of groups, focusing on repeated interactions that provide the opportunity for profitable cooperation. Our experimental method creates two groups of subjects who have different levels of certain traits, such as higher or lower levels of Intelligence, Conscientiousness, and Agreeableness, but who are very similar otherwise. Intelligence has a large and positive long-run effect on cooperative behavior. The effect is strong when at the equilibrium of the repeated game there is a trade-off between short-run gains and long-run losses. Conscientiousness and Agreeableness have a natural, significant but transitory effect on cooperation rates.
‘Concept creep’ (that harm-related concepts of abuse, bullying, prejudice, have expanded their meanings recently): Those with broader concepts endorse harm-based morality, liberal political attitudes
Concept creepers: Individual differences in harm-related concepts and their correlates. Melanie J. McGrath et al. Personality and Individual Differences, Volume 147, 1 September 2019, Pages 79-84. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2019.04.015
Abstract: Research on ‘concept creep’ argues that harm-related concepts such as abuse, bullying, prejudice, and trauma have expanded their meanings in recent decades. Theorists have suggested that this semantic expansion may have mixed implications. Broadened concepts might problematize harmful behavior that was previously tolerated but might also make people over-sensitive and fragile. Two studies using American MTurk samples (Ns = 276, 309) examined individual differences in the breadth of people's concepts of harm and explored their correlates. Study 1 found reliable variations in concept breadth that were consistent across four disparate harm-related concepts. As predicted, people with broader concepts tended to endorse harm-based morality, liberal political attitudes, and high empathic concern. Contrary to prediction, younger people did not have broader concepts. Study 2 replicated the association between concept breadth and liberalism and extended the empathy finding by showing that concept breadth was associated with sensitivity to injustice toward others but not the self. In this study, people holding broader concepts were younger and tended to feel more vulnerable and entitled. These findings indicate that holding broader concepts of harm may have mixed implications.
Abstract: Research on ‘concept creep’ argues that harm-related concepts such as abuse, bullying, prejudice, and trauma have expanded their meanings in recent decades. Theorists have suggested that this semantic expansion may have mixed implications. Broadened concepts might problematize harmful behavior that was previously tolerated but might also make people over-sensitive and fragile. Two studies using American MTurk samples (Ns = 276, 309) examined individual differences in the breadth of people's concepts of harm and explored their correlates. Study 1 found reliable variations in concept breadth that were consistent across four disparate harm-related concepts. As predicted, people with broader concepts tended to endorse harm-based morality, liberal political attitudes, and high empathic concern. Contrary to prediction, younger people did not have broader concepts. Study 2 replicated the association between concept breadth and liberalism and extended the empathy finding by showing that concept breadth was associated with sensitivity to injustice toward others but not the self. In this study, people holding broader concepts were younger and tended to feel more vulnerable and entitled. These findings indicate that holding broader concepts of harm may have mixed implications.
Advice to my younger self if I knew then what I know now: Most of the advice fell into the domains of relationships, education, & selfhood
If I knew then what I know now: Advice to my younger self. Robin M. Kowalski & Annie McCord. The Journal of Social Psychology, May 5 2019. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00224545.2019.1609401
ABSTRACT: If we could go back and give ourselves advice to keep from making a mistake, most of us would probably take that opportunity. Using self-discrepancy theory as a theoretical framework, US workers on Amazon’s Mechanical Turk, who were at least 30 years of age, indicated in two studies what their advice to their younger selves would be, what pivotal event was influential for them, if they had regrets, and if following this advice would bring them closer to their ideal or ought self. Across both studies, most of the advice fell into the domains of relationships, education, and selfhood. Participants said following the advice would bring them more in line with their ideal than their ought self. Following the advice also led to more positive perceptions of the current self by the high school self. Ages at which pivotal events occurred provided strong support for the reminiscence bump.
KEYWORDS: Advice, regret, self-discrepancy, counterfactual thinking
ABSTRACT: If we could go back and give ourselves advice to keep from making a mistake, most of us would probably take that opportunity. Using self-discrepancy theory as a theoretical framework, US workers on Amazon’s Mechanical Turk, who were at least 30 years of age, indicated in two studies what their advice to their younger selves would be, what pivotal event was influential for them, if they had regrets, and if following this advice would bring them closer to their ideal or ought self. Across both studies, most of the advice fell into the domains of relationships, education, and selfhood. Participants said following the advice would bring them more in line with their ideal than their ought self. Following the advice also led to more positive perceptions of the current self by the high school self. Ages at which pivotal events occurred provided strong support for the reminiscence bump.
KEYWORDS: Advice, regret, self-discrepancy, counterfactual thinking
Sunday, May 5, 2019
Children in daycare experience fewer one-to-one interactions with adults, which is negative for IQ in families where such interactions are of higher quality; reduction in IQ increases with family income
Ichino, A., Fort, M., & Zanella, G. (2019). Cognitive and Non-Cognitive Costs of Daycare 0-2 for Children in Advantaged Families. Journal of Political Economy, May 2019. doi:10.1086/704075
Abstract: Exploiting admission thresholds to the Bologna daycare system, we show using RDD that one additional daycare month at age 0–2 reduces IQ by 0.5% (4.7% of a s.d.) at age8–14 in a relatively affluent population. The magnitude of this negative effect increases with family income. Similar negative impacts are found for personality traits. These findings are consistent with the hypothesis from psychology that children in daycare experience fewer one-to-one interactions with adults, with negative effects in families where such interactions are of higher quality. We embed this hypothesis in a model that lends structure to our RDD.
JEL-Code: J13, I20, I28, H75
Keywords: daycare, childcare, child development, cognitive skills, personality
Abstract: Exploiting admission thresholds to the Bologna daycare system, we show using RDD that one additional daycare month at age 0–2 reduces IQ by 0.5% (4.7% of a s.d.) at age8–14 in a relatively affluent population. The magnitude of this negative effect increases with family income. Similar negative impacts are found for personality traits. These findings are consistent with the hypothesis from psychology that children in daycare experience fewer one-to-one interactions with adults, with negative effects in families where such interactions are of higher quality. We embed this hypothesis in a model that lends structure to our RDD.
JEL-Code: J13, I20, I28, H75
Keywords: daycare, childcare, child development, cognitive skills, personality
Big Business Isn’t Big Politics. Essay by Tyler Cowen // Fears of crony capitalism in the U.S. are misplaced
Big Business Isn’t Big Politics. Tyler Cowen. Foreign Policy, May 3 2019. https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/05/03/big-business-isnt-big-politics/
Fears of crony capitalism in the United States are misplaced
he basic view that big business is pulling the strings in Washington is one of the major myths of our time. Most American political decisions are not in fact shaped by big business, even though business does control numerous pieces of specialist legislation. Even in 2019, big business is hardly dominating the agenda. U.S. corporate leaders often promote ideas of fiscal responsibility, free trade, robust trade agreements, predictable government, multilateral foreign policy, higher immigration, and a certain degree of political correctness in government—all ideas that are ailing rather badly right now.
To be sure, there is plenty of crony capitalism in the United States today. For instance, the Export-Import Bank subsidizes U.S. exports with guaranteed loans or low-interest loans. The biggest American beneficiary is Boeing, by far, and the biggest foreign beneficiaries are large and sometimes state-owned companies, such as Pemex, the national fossil fuel company of the Mexican government. The Small Business Administration subsidizes small business start-ups, the procurement cycle for defense caters to corporate interests, and the sugar and dairy lobbies still pull in outrageous subsidies and price protection programs, mostly at the expense of ordinary American consumers, including low-income consumers.
...overall, lobbyists are not running the show. The average big company has only 3.4 lobbyists in Washington, and for medium-size companies that number is only 1.42. For major companies, the average is 13.9, and the vast majority of companies spend less than $250,000 a year on lobbying. Furthermore, a systematic study shows that business lobbying does not increase the chance of favorable legislation being passed for that business, nor do those businesses receive more government contracts; contributions to political action committees are ineffective too.
Full text at the link above
Fears of crony capitalism in the United States are misplaced
he basic view that big business is pulling the strings in Washington is one of the major myths of our time. Most American political decisions are not in fact shaped by big business, even though business does control numerous pieces of specialist legislation. Even in 2019, big business is hardly dominating the agenda. U.S. corporate leaders often promote ideas of fiscal responsibility, free trade, robust trade agreements, predictable government, multilateral foreign policy, higher immigration, and a certain degree of political correctness in government—all ideas that are ailing rather badly right now.
To be sure, there is plenty of crony capitalism in the United States today. For instance, the Export-Import Bank subsidizes U.S. exports with guaranteed loans or low-interest loans. The biggest American beneficiary is Boeing, by far, and the biggest foreign beneficiaries are large and sometimes state-owned companies, such as Pemex, the national fossil fuel company of the Mexican government. The Small Business Administration subsidizes small business start-ups, the procurement cycle for defense caters to corporate interests, and the sugar and dairy lobbies still pull in outrageous subsidies and price protection programs, mostly at the expense of ordinary American consumers, including low-income consumers.
...overall, lobbyists are not running the show. The average big company has only 3.4 lobbyists in Washington, and for medium-size companies that number is only 1.42. For major companies, the average is 13.9, and the vast majority of companies spend less than $250,000 a year on lobbying. Furthermore, a systematic study shows that business lobbying does not increase the chance of favorable legislation being passed for that business, nor do those businesses receive more government contracts; contributions to political action committees are ineffective too.
Full text at the link above
Support for hate crime grows when men fear that refugees' influx makes it difficult to mate, even when controlling for anti-refugee views, perceived job competition, general frustration & aggressiveness
Dancygier, Rafaela M. and Egami, Naoki and Jamal, Amaney and Rischke, Ramona, Hating and Mating: Fears over Mate Competition and Violent Hate Crime against Refugees (March 23, 2019). SSRN: http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3358780
Abstract: As the number of refugees rises across the world, anti-refugee violence has become a pressing concern. What explains the incidence and support of such hate crime? We argue that fears among native men that refugees pose a threat in the competition for female partners is a critical but understudied factor driving hate crime. Employing a comprehensive dataset on the incidence of hate crime across Germany, we first demonstrate that hate crime rises where men face disadvantages in local mating markets. Next, we deploy an original four-wave panel survey to confirm that support for hate crime increases when men fear that the inflow of refugees makes it more difficult to find female partners. Mate competition concerns remain a robust predictor even when controlling for anti-refugee views, perceived job competition, general frustration, and aggressiveness. We conclude that a more complete understanding of hate crime must incorporate mating markets and mate competition.
Keywords: hate crime, refugees, immigration, ethnocentrism, inter-group conflict, sex ratios, marriage markets
JEL Classification: D74, J11, J12, J15, N34
Abstract: As the number of refugees rises across the world, anti-refugee violence has become a pressing concern. What explains the incidence and support of such hate crime? We argue that fears among native men that refugees pose a threat in the competition for female partners is a critical but understudied factor driving hate crime. Employing a comprehensive dataset on the incidence of hate crime across Germany, we first demonstrate that hate crime rises where men face disadvantages in local mating markets. Next, we deploy an original four-wave panel survey to confirm that support for hate crime increases when men fear that the inflow of refugees makes it more difficult to find female partners. Mate competition concerns remain a robust predictor even when controlling for anti-refugee views, perceived job competition, general frustration, and aggressiveness. We conclude that a more complete understanding of hate crime must incorporate mating markets and mate competition.
Keywords: hate crime, refugees, immigration, ethnocentrism, inter-group conflict, sex ratios, marriage markets
JEL Classification: D74, J11, J12, J15, N34
Saturday, May 4, 2019
We manipulated the gender & race composition of the persons depicted; 5 (plus or minus 1) people is the point at which we are perceived less like separate individuals & more like a single, unified group
Five (plus or minus one): The point at which an assemblage of individuals is perceived as a single, unified group. Eric L. Stocks, Belen Lopez-Perez, Luis V. Oceja & Travis Evans. The Journal of Social Psychology, May 3 2019. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00224545.2019.1610349?journalCode=vsoc20
ABSTRACT: At what point is an assemblage of individuals perceived as a single, unified group? And how do demographic characteristics of these individuals influence perceptions of groupness? To answer these questions, we conducted four studies in which participants viewed sets of images that varied in the number of individuals depicted, and then identified the number of persons at which the assemblage was perceived to be a single, unified group. Across four studies, we manipulated the gender and race composition of the persons depicted. The results suggest that five (plus or minus one) people constitutes the point at which a collection of persons is perceived less like separate individuals and more like a single, unified group. However, the demographic complexity of the assemblage also influences perceived groupness. The number of individuals required to be perceived as a unified group is larger for diverse, compared to homogeneous, assemblages of individuals.
KEYWORDS: Group perception, entitativity, group processes, identity
ABSTRACT: At what point is an assemblage of individuals perceived as a single, unified group? And how do demographic characteristics of these individuals influence perceptions of groupness? To answer these questions, we conducted four studies in which participants viewed sets of images that varied in the number of individuals depicted, and then identified the number of persons at which the assemblage was perceived to be a single, unified group. Across four studies, we manipulated the gender and race composition of the persons depicted. The results suggest that five (plus or minus one) people constitutes the point at which a collection of persons is perceived less like separate individuals and more like a single, unified group. However, the demographic complexity of the assemblage also influences perceived groupness. The number of individuals required to be perceived as a unified group is larger for diverse, compared to homogeneous, assemblages of individuals.
KEYWORDS: Group perception, entitativity, group processes, identity
Marriage is not a determinant for sexual satisfaction; can even be a negative correlate when respondents are compared to certain unmarried groups; exception is the unmarried individual with no partner
Does Marriage Really Improve Sexual Satisfaction? Evidence From the Pairfam Data Set. Elyakim Kislev. The Journal of Sex Research, May 3 2019. https://doi.org/10.1080/00224499.2019.1608146
Abstract: In light of the growing unmarried demographic, this study analyzed the extent and determinants of sexual satisfaction among seven relationship-status groups: married, never married, and those who are divorced/separated, where the latter two groups are further divided into single, living apart together (LAT), and cohabiting. In addition, the study measured the levels of sexual self-esteem, sexual communication, and sex frequency for the different relationship-status groups as predictors of sexual satisfaction. Finally, this study also analyzed sexual satisfaction while accounting for overall life satisfaction. Using the ninth wave of the Pairfam data set and analyzing the responses of 3,207 respondents in total, this study suggests that marriage is not a determinant for sexual satisfaction. In fact, it can even be a negative correlate when married respondents are compared to certain unmarried groups. The only exception is that of unmarried individuals who currently have no partner. Even this situation is shown to be dependent only on less frequent intercourse, not on a lack of sexual self-esteem and sexual communication. These conclusions challenge previous research as well as the explanations of earlier scholars. Several directions for future research are discussed in light of these findings.
---
In the conclusions:
The findings show that married people reported lower rates of sexual self-esteem and sexual communication skills than most groups. In terms of sexual communication, only never-married cohabiting people were comparable to married people for both genders, while never-marriedsingle and LAT women and divorced/separated and single women were also comparable to married women. In terms of sexual self-esteem, divorced/separated LAT and never-married cohabiting men were comparable to married men, while only never-married cohabiting women showed lowerrates than married women. Moreover, the findings indicate that marriage per se isnot beneficial for sexual satisfaction. In fact, the base model in Table 3 shows that married couples score rela-tively low in this regard. Non partnered singles scored lower than the married group in terms of sexual satisfac-tion, but the main reason that they were less sexually satisfied than married couples was sex frequency, whichwas naturally lower for non partnered singles than for couples. Therefore, it seems that it is not marriage that isbeneficial to sexual satisfaction but rather having a partner. With the exception of divorced LATs, once one hasa partner, marriage is not a contributor.
It seems that previous studies arguing in favor of marriageshould be more nuanced in several ways. First, they unjustifiably blend the groups of unmarried people together. By combining singles with other unmarried groups, they inaccurately showthat marriage is advantageous for sexual satisfaction. Second,these studies should have isolated LAT singles. This group is more than just an exception. This group, which has rarely been studied, demonstrates that it is not necessarily the nuptial system that makes the difference in terms of sexual satisfaction, it is partnership. Third, several of the previous studies measured sexual satisfaction without some major mediators such as sex frequency and overall life satisfaction. The detailed and rich data of the Pairfam survey show that even singles who havenever been married are more likely to report higher levels ofsexual self-esteem and sexual communication and that it ismostly the availability of sex that makes them less satisfiedsexually. Again, this has implications for the nuptial system ingeneral. Marriage is not beneficial to sexual satisfaction in andof itself (e.g., the value of commitment, the willingness to adapt)but due to the fact that couples are more likely to have a sexpartner in reach.
Step 2 in the multiple hierarchical regression presented in Table 3 is important in this respect because it shows howt he relatively lower scores on sexual self-esteem and sexual communication are significant for married couples. Accounting for these variables, married couples attain similar levels to other groups. In fact, married couples even show higher levels than other groups after accounting for the relatively lower levels of sexual self-esteem and sexual communication, as presented inTable 2. However,this is partly due to the overall advantages that they have in life due to their married status, as step 3 in the multiple hierarchical regression presented in Table 3shows.
Indeed, it is important to account for life satisfaction,because satisfaction in different life realms is interrelated
Abstract: In light of the growing unmarried demographic, this study analyzed the extent and determinants of sexual satisfaction among seven relationship-status groups: married, never married, and those who are divorced/separated, where the latter two groups are further divided into single, living apart together (LAT), and cohabiting. In addition, the study measured the levels of sexual self-esteem, sexual communication, and sex frequency for the different relationship-status groups as predictors of sexual satisfaction. Finally, this study also analyzed sexual satisfaction while accounting for overall life satisfaction. Using the ninth wave of the Pairfam data set and analyzing the responses of 3,207 respondents in total, this study suggests that marriage is not a determinant for sexual satisfaction. In fact, it can even be a negative correlate when married respondents are compared to certain unmarried groups. The only exception is that of unmarried individuals who currently have no partner. Even this situation is shown to be dependent only on less frequent intercourse, not on a lack of sexual self-esteem and sexual communication. These conclusions challenge previous research as well as the explanations of earlier scholars. Several directions for future research are discussed in light of these findings.
---
In the conclusions:
The findings show that married people reported lower rates of sexual self-esteem and sexual communication skills than most groups. In terms of sexual communication, only never-married cohabiting people were comparable to married people for both genders, while never-marriedsingle and LAT women and divorced/separated and single women were also comparable to married women. In terms of sexual self-esteem, divorced/separated LAT and never-married cohabiting men were comparable to married men, while only never-married cohabiting women showed lowerrates than married women. Moreover, the findings indicate that marriage per se isnot beneficial for sexual satisfaction. In fact, the base model in Table 3 shows that married couples score rela-tively low in this regard. Non partnered singles scored lower than the married group in terms of sexual satisfac-tion, but the main reason that they were less sexually satisfied than married couples was sex frequency, whichwas naturally lower for non partnered singles than for couples. Therefore, it seems that it is not marriage that isbeneficial to sexual satisfaction but rather having a partner. With the exception of divorced LATs, once one hasa partner, marriage is not a contributor.
It seems that previous studies arguing in favor of marriageshould be more nuanced in several ways. First, they unjustifiably blend the groups of unmarried people together. By combining singles with other unmarried groups, they inaccurately showthat marriage is advantageous for sexual satisfaction. Second,these studies should have isolated LAT singles. This group is more than just an exception. This group, which has rarely been studied, demonstrates that it is not necessarily the nuptial system that makes the difference in terms of sexual satisfaction, it is partnership. Third, several of the previous studies measured sexual satisfaction without some major mediators such as sex frequency and overall life satisfaction. The detailed and rich data of the Pairfam survey show that even singles who havenever been married are more likely to report higher levels ofsexual self-esteem and sexual communication and that it ismostly the availability of sex that makes them less satisfiedsexually. Again, this has implications for the nuptial system ingeneral. Marriage is not beneficial to sexual satisfaction in andof itself (e.g., the value of commitment, the willingness to adapt)but due to the fact that couples are more likely to have a sexpartner in reach.
Step 2 in the multiple hierarchical regression presented in Table 3 is important in this respect because it shows howt he relatively lower scores on sexual self-esteem and sexual communication are significant for married couples. Accounting for these variables, married couples attain similar levels to other groups. In fact, married couples even show higher levels than other groups after accounting for the relatively lower levels of sexual self-esteem and sexual communication, as presented inTable 2. However,this is partly due to the overall advantages that they have in life due to their married status, as step 3 in the multiple hierarchical regression presented in Table 3shows.
Indeed, it is important to account for life satisfaction,because satisfaction in different life realms is interrelated
Worse economy, harsher health conditions predicts more mouth to mouth kissing, which becomes a better measure of partner investment than cuddling or sex
National income inequality predicts cultural variation in mouth to mouth kissing. Christopher D. Watkins, Juan David Leongómez, Jeanne Bovet, Agnieszka Żelaźniewicz, Max Korbmacher, Marco Antônio Corrêa Varella, Ana Maria Fernandez, Danielle Wagstaff & Samuela Bolgan. Scientific Reports, volume 9, Article number: 6698 (2019). https://www.nature.com/articles/s41598-019-43267-7
Abstract: Romantic mouth-to-mouth kissing is culturally widespread, although not a human universal, and may play a functional role in assessing partner health and maintaining long-term pair bonds. Use and appreciation of kissing may therefore vary according to whether the environment places a premium on good health and partner investment. Here, we test for cultural variation (13 countries from six continents) in these behaviours/attitudes according to national health (historical pathogen prevalence) and both absolute (GDP) and relative wealth (GINI). Our data reveal that kissing is valued more in established relationships than it is valued during courtship. Also, consistent with the pair bonding hypothesis of the function of romantic kissing, relative poverty (income inequality) predicts frequency of kissing across romantic relationships. When aggregated, the predicted relationship between income inequality and kissing frequency (r = 0.67, BCa 95% CI[0.32,0.89]) was over five times the size of the null correlations between income inequality and frequency of hugging/cuddling and sex. As social complexity requires monitoring resource competition among large groups and predicts kissing prevalence in remote societies, this gesture may be important in the maintenance of long-term pair bonds in specific environments.
Introduction
Romantic love and passion are cultural universals1,2. Simultaneously, pair bonds within different cultures vary in their norms, rituals and forms of romantic expression3. In western samples, ‘ideal relationships’ are conceived on two dimensions of intimacy-loyalty and passion4, with intimacy related to relationship quality independent of couple sexuality5. Expressions of love and overt acts of affection enhance feelings of commitment6 and are related to stable marital bonds7. Moreover, sharing in novel and arousing activities enhances relationship quality8 and nonverbal expressions of love alter feeling states and facilitate the release of putative attachment hormones9. Collectively, many relationship behaviours and expressions of romantic attachment contribute to maintaining durable pair bonds, which are important to understand given that threats to pair bonds may affect health and wellbeing [...].
Although not a human universal, romantic kissing is observed in a wide variety of cultures11 and being perceived as a good kisser can enhance a person’s desirability as a partner (e.g., for short-term relationships12). Indeed, some naturalistic studies have documented kissing in courtship, where reciprocal affection is related to synchrony in body movements13. Cues obtained from close physical contact with a partner may facilitate mate assessment14, consistent with species that use gustatory and olfactory cues to regulate courtship rituals15 (see also16). As the prevalence of courtship rituals may point to their adaptive function, the mate assessment hypothesis14,17 proposes that kissing functions to assess putative cues to biological quality in a partner via close contact. In light of behavioural motivations to avoid pathogens (see18 for discussion), biases to over-perceive disease cues19, and given that the exchange of saliva may increase the likelihood of transmitting some infections (see20 for a recent review), romantic kissing may incur costs. As such, we do not engage in romantic kissing indiscriminately, unless the costs of kissing are traded off in favour of escalating courtship with a ‘high quality’ mate14. Consistent with the mate assessment hypothesis, kissing is more important, and is more likely to influence attraction, for the more ‘selective’ sex (women21,22), among more selective individuals (attractive individuals) and in contexts where the costs of choosing a less healthy mate are greater (i.e. in short-term sexual encounters14). [...]
Here, we extend Wlodarski & Dunbar’s14,17 two hypotheses, and test for cultural differences in the use and appreciation of kissing in romantic relationships. First, if kissing plays a role in assessments of ‘quality’, the benefits of assessing partner quality are likely to be greater in less-healthy environments (see, e.g.23, for a similar line of reasoning related to mate preferences). Here, we examine the mate assessment hypothesis and test whether people in less-healthy countries place greater importance on this form of courtship behaviour (i.e. to assess quality, as indexed via attitudes) but do so selectively (as indexed via frequency) in light of the greater potential risks of kissing within a high-pathogen environment. Thus, we predict that national health will be negatively related to the importance of kissing at the initial stages of a romantic relationship (Hypothesis #1) and, as a pathogen avoidance mechanism, will be negatively related to participant’s reported satisfaction with the amount of kissing in romantic relationships (i.e., a weaker desire for more frequent kissing in less-healthy countries, Hypothesis #2). Moreover, as the health costs of kissing in such environments will be lesser, we predict that national health will be positively related to the frequency of kissing within romantic relationships (Hypothesis #3). National income inequality predicts cultural variation in mouth to mouth kissing. Christopher D. Watkins, Juan David Leongómez, Jeanne Bovet, Agnieszka Żelaźniewicz, Max Korbmacher, Marco Antônio Corrêa Varella, Ana Maria Fernandez, Danielle Wagstaff & Samuela Bolgan. Scientific Reports, volume 9, Article number: 6698 (2019). https://www.nature.com/articles/s41598-019-43267-7
Abstract: Romantic mouth-to-mouth kissing is culturally widespread, although not a human universal, and may play a functional role in assessing partner health and maintaining long-term pair bonds. Use and appreciation of kissing may therefore vary according to whether the environment places a premium on good health and partner investment. Here, we test for cultural variation (13 countries from six continents) in these behaviours/attitudes according to national health (historical pathogen prevalence) and both absolute (GDP) and relative wealth (GINI). Our data reveal that kissing is valued more in established relationships than it is valued during courtship. Also, consistent with the pair bonding hypothesis of the function of romantic kissing, relative poverty (income inequality) predicts frequency of kissing across romantic relationships. When aggregated, the predicted relationship between income inequality and kissing frequency (r = 0.67, BCa 95% CI[0.32,0.89]) was over five times the size of the null correlations between income inequality and frequency of hugging/cuddling and sex. As social complexity requires monitoring resource competition among large groups and predicts kissing prevalence in remote societies, this gesture may be important in the maintenance of long-term pair bonds in specific environments.
Introduction
Romantic love and passion are cultural universals1,2. Simultaneously, pair bonds within different cultures vary in their norms, rituals and forms of romantic expression3. In western samples, ‘ideal relationships’ are conceived on two dimensions of intimacy-loyalty and passion4, with intimacy related to relationship quality independent of couple sexuality5. Expressions of love and overt acts of affection enhance feelings of commitment6 and are related to stable marital bonds7. Moreover, sharing in novel and arousing activities enhances relationship quality8 and nonverbal expressions of love alter feeling states and facilitate the release of putative attachment hormones9. Collectively, many relationship behaviours and expressions of romantic attachment contribute to maintaining durable pair bonds, which are important to understand given that threats to pair bonds may affect health and wellbeing [...].
Although not a human universal, romantic kissing is observed in a wide variety of cultures11 and being perceived as a good kisser can enhance a person’s desirability as a partner (e.g., for short-term relationships12). Indeed, some naturalistic studies have documented kissing in courtship, where reciprocal affection is related to synchrony in body movements13. Cues obtained from close physical contact with a partner may facilitate mate assessment14, consistent with species that use gustatory and olfactory cues to regulate courtship rituals15 (see also16). As the prevalence of courtship rituals may point to their adaptive function, the mate assessment hypothesis14,17 proposes that kissing functions to assess putative cues to biological quality in a partner via close contact. In light of behavioural motivations to avoid pathogens (see18 for discussion), biases to over-perceive disease cues19, and given that the exchange of saliva may increase the likelihood of transmitting some infections (see20 for a recent review), romantic kissing may incur costs. As such, we do not engage in romantic kissing indiscriminately, unless the costs of kissing are traded off in favour of escalating courtship with a ‘high quality’ mate14. Consistent with the mate assessment hypothesis, kissing is more important, and is more likely to influence attraction, for the more ‘selective’ sex (women21,22), among more selective individuals (attractive individuals) and in contexts where the costs of choosing a less healthy mate are greater (i.e. in short-term sexual encounters14). [...]
Here, we extend Wlodarski & Dunbar’s14,17 two hypotheses, and test for cultural differences in the use and appreciation of kissing in romantic relationships. First, if kissing plays a role in assessments of ‘quality’, the benefits of assessing partner quality are likely to be greater in less-healthy environments (see, e.g.23, for a similar line of reasoning related to mate preferences). Here, we examine the mate assessment hypothesis and test whether people in less-healthy countries place greater importance on this form of courtship behaviour (i.e. to assess quality, as indexed via attitudes) but do so selectively (as indexed via frequency) in light of the greater potential risks of kissing within a high-pathogen environment. Thus, we predict that national health will be negatively related to the importance of kissing at the initial stages of a romantic relationship (Hypothesis #1) and, as a pathogen avoidance mechanism, will be negatively related to participant’s reported satisfaction with the amount of kissing in romantic relationships (i.e., a weaker desire for more frequent kissing in less-healthy countries, Hypothesis #2). Moreover, as the health costs of kissing in such environments will be lesser, we predict that national health will be positively related to the frequency of kissing within romantic relationships (Hypothesis #3). In other words, this would extend prior research by suggesting that the value attached to kissing as a mate assessment cue is greater in high pathogen ecologies (i.e., to accept or reject a partner) even if it is used sparingly in these environments.
Second, theoretical perspectives argue that monogamy and/or relationship investment are valued in harsh environments, such as those where resources are scarce in relative or absolute terms (see, e.g.24,25, for discussion), and the pair bonding hypothesis14 proposes that kissing plays an important role in how couples maintain and monitor the quality of a committed romantic relationship. Thus, we test the pair bonding hypothesis by examining whether individuals from countries of low absolute and relative wealth (i.e. high income inequality) place greater importance on kissing at the established (but not initial) phases of a romantic relationship (i.e. when investment is of greater concern; Hypothesis #4), report greater frequency of kissing in their relationships (to maintain a pair-bond in an economically harsh environment, Hypothesis #5) and lower satisfaction with the amount of kissing in their relationships (i.e., a stronger desire to signal investment through kissing in an economically harsh environment, Hypothesis #6).
When testing both hypotheses on the function of mouth-to-mouth kissing in relationships, we also test for national differences in two other forms of close/intimate contact (hugging and sexual intercourse) in order to examine whether our predictions are specific to, or are stronger or weaker for, mouth-to-mouth kissing than other forms of romantic expression. Evidence for specificity in our findings toward kissing would complement prior work, which demonstrates that kissing is a more substantial predictor of romantic relationship quality than other forms of closeness and/or intimacy such as sexual intercourse17, by suggesting that the ‘special’ role that kissing may play in the quality of long-term romantic relationships, and potentially relationship outcomes, varies according to the harshness of the environment. [...]
Finally, we aim to replicate prior work by testing for an identical factor structure to the perceived components of a good kiss (biological/sensory component, arousal/contact and technique/execution17) among a broader international sample. [...].
Second, theoretical perspectives argue that monogamy and/or relationship investment are valued in harsh environments, such as those where resources are scarce in relative or absolute terms (see, e.g.24,25, for discussion), and the pair bonding hypothesis14 proposes that kissing plays an important role in how couples maintain and monitor the quality of a committed romantic relationship. Thus, we test the pair bonding hypothesis by examining whether individuals from countries of low absolute and relative wealth (i.e. high income inequality) place greater importance on kissing at the established (but not initial) phases of a romantic relationship (i.e. when investment is of greater concern; Hypothesis #4), report greater frequency of kissing in their relationships (to maintain a pair-bond in an economically harsh environment, Hypothesis #5) and lower satisfaction with the amount of kissing in their relationships (i.e., a stronger desire to signal investment through kissing in an economically harsh environment, Hypothesis #6).
When testing both hypotheses on the function of mouth-to-mouth kissing in relationships, we also test for national differences in two other forms of close/intimate contact (hugging and sexual intercourse) in order to examine whether our predictions are specific to, or are stronger or weaker for, mouth-to-mouth kissing than other forms of romantic expression. Evidence for specificity in our findings toward kissing would complement prior work, which demonstrates that kissing is a more substantial predictor of romantic relationship quality than other forms of closeness and/or intimacy such as sexual intercourse17, by suggesting that the ‘special’ role that kissing may play in the quality of long-term romantic relationships, and potentially relationship outcomes, varies according to the harshness of the environment. [...]
Finally, we aim to replicate prior work by testing for an identical factor structure to the perceived components of a good kiss (biological/sensory component, arousal/contact and technique/execution17) among a broader international sample. [...]
Abstract: Romantic mouth-to-mouth kissing is culturally widespread, although not a human universal, and may play a functional role in assessing partner health and maintaining long-term pair bonds. Use and appreciation of kissing may therefore vary according to whether the environment places a premium on good health and partner investment. Here, we test for cultural variation (13 countries from six continents) in these behaviours/attitudes according to national health (historical pathogen prevalence) and both absolute (GDP) and relative wealth (GINI). Our data reveal that kissing is valued more in established relationships than it is valued during courtship. Also, consistent with the pair bonding hypothesis of the function of romantic kissing, relative poverty (income inequality) predicts frequency of kissing across romantic relationships. When aggregated, the predicted relationship between income inequality and kissing frequency (r = 0.67, BCa 95% CI[0.32,0.89]) was over five times the size of the null correlations between income inequality and frequency of hugging/cuddling and sex. As social complexity requires monitoring resource competition among large groups and predicts kissing prevalence in remote societies, this gesture may be important in the maintenance of long-term pair bonds in specific environments.
Introduction
Romantic love and passion are cultural universals1,2. Simultaneously, pair bonds within different cultures vary in their norms, rituals and forms of romantic expression3. In western samples, ‘ideal relationships’ are conceived on two dimensions of intimacy-loyalty and passion4, with intimacy related to relationship quality independent of couple sexuality5. Expressions of love and overt acts of affection enhance feelings of commitment6 and are related to stable marital bonds7. Moreover, sharing in novel and arousing activities enhances relationship quality8 and nonverbal expressions of love alter feeling states and facilitate the release of putative attachment hormones9. Collectively, many relationship behaviours and expressions of romantic attachment contribute to maintaining durable pair bonds, which are important to understand given that threats to pair bonds may affect health and wellbeing [...].
Although not a human universal, romantic kissing is observed in a wide variety of cultures11 and being perceived as a good kisser can enhance a person’s desirability as a partner (e.g., for short-term relationships12). Indeed, some naturalistic studies have documented kissing in courtship, where reciprocal affection is related to synchrony in body movements13. Cues obtained from close physical contact with a partner may facilitate mate assessment14, consistent with species that use gustatory and olfactory cues to regulate courtship rituals15 (see also16). As the prevalence of courtship rituals may point to their adaptive function, the mate assessment hypothesis14,17 proposes that kissing functions to assess putative cues to biological quality in a partner via close contact. In light of behavioural motivations to avoid pathogens (see18 for discussion), biases to over-perceive disease cues19, and given that the exchange of saliva may increase the likelihood of transmitting some infections (see20 for a recent review), romantic kissing may incur costs. As such, we do not engage in romantic kissing indiscriminately, unless the costs of kissing are traded off in favour of escalating courtship with a ‘high quality’ mate14. Consistent with the mate assessment hypothesis, kissing is more important, and is more likely to influence attraction, for the more ‘selective’ sex (women21,22), among more selective individuals (attractive individuals) and in contexts where the costs of choosing a less healthy mate are greater (i.e. in short-term sexual encounters14). [...]
Here, we extend Wlodarski & Dunbar’s14,17 two hypotheses, and test for cultural differences in the use and appreciation of kissing in romantic relationships. First, if kissing plays a role in assessments of ‘quality’, the benefits of assessing partner quality are likely to be greater in less-healthy environments (see, e.g.23, for a similar line of reasoning related to mate preferences). Here, we examine the mate assessment hypothesis and test whether people in less-healthy countries place greater importance on this form of courtship behaviour (i.e. to assess quality, as indexed via attitudes) but do so selectively (as indexed via frequency) in light of the greater potential risks of kissing within a high-pathogen environment. Thus, we predict that national health will be negatively related to the importance of kissing at the initial stages of a romantic relationship (Hypothesis #1) and, as a pathogen avoidance mechanism, will be negatively related to participant’s reported satisfaction with the amount of kissing in romantic relationships (i.e., a weaker desire for more frequent kissing in less-healthy countries, Hypothesis #2). Moreover, as the health costs of kissing in such environments will be lesser, we predict that national health will be positively related to the frequency of kissing within romantic relationships (Hypothesis #3). National income inequality predicts cultural variation in mouth to mouth kissing. Christopher D. Watkins, Juan David Leongómez, Jeanne Bovet, Agnieszka Żelaźniewicz, Max Korbmacher, Marco Antônio Corrêa Varella, Ana Maria Fernandez, Danielle Wagstaff & Samuela Bolgan. Scientific Reports, volume 9, Article number: 6698 (2019). https://www.nature.com/articles/s41598-019-43267-7
Abstract: Romantic mouth-to-mouth kissing is culturally widespread, although not a human universal, and may play a functional role in assessing partner health and maintaining long-term pair bonds. Use and appreciation of kissing may therefore vary according to whether the environment places a premium on good health and partner investment. Here, we test for cultural variation (13 countries from six continents) in these behaviours/attitudes according to national health (historical pathogen prevalence) and both absolute (GDP) and relative wealth (GINI). Our data reveal that kissing is valued more in established relationships than it is valued during courtship. Also, consistent with the pair bonding hypothesis of the function of romantic kissing, relative poverty (income inequality) predicts frequency of kissing across romantic relationships. When aggregated, the predicted relationship between income inequality and kissing frequency (r = 0.67, BCa 95% CI[0.32,0.89]) was over five times the size of the null correlations between income inequality and frequency of hugging/cuddling and sex. As social complexity requires monitoring resource competition among large groups and predicts kissing prevalence in remote societies, this gesture may be important in the maintenance of long-term pair bonds in specific environments.
Introduction
Romantic love and passion are cultural universals1,2. Simultaneously, pair bonds within different cultures vary in their norms, rituals and forms of romantic expression3. In western samples, ‘ideal relationships’ are conceived on two dimensions of intimacy-loyalty and passion4, with intimacy related to relationship quality independent of couple sexuality5. Expressions of love and overt acts of affection enhance feelings of commitment6 and are related to stable marital bonds7. Moreover, sharing in novel and arousing activities enhances relationship quality8 and nonverbal expressions of love alter feeling states and facilitate the release of putative attachment hormones9. Collectively, many relationship behaviours and expressions of romantic attachment contribute to maintaining durable pair bonds, which are important to understand given that threats to pair bonds may affect health and wellbeing [...].
Although not a human universal, romantic kissing is observed in a wide variety of cultures11 and being perceived as a good kisser can enhance a person’s desirability as a partner (e.g., for short-term relationships12). Indeed, some naturalistic studies have documented kissing in courtship, where reciprocal affection is related to synchrony in body movements13. Cues obtained from close physical contact with a partner may facilitate mate assessment14, consistent with species that use gustatory and olfactory cues to regulate courtship rituals15 (see also16). As the prevalence of courtship rituals may point to their adaptive function, the mate assessment hypothesis14,17 proposes that kissing functions to assess putative cues to biological quality in a partner via close contact. In light of behavioural motivations to avoid pathogens (see18 for discussion), biases to over-perceive disease cues19, and given that the exchange of saliva may increase the likelihood of transmitting some infections (see20 for a recent review), romantic kissing may incur costs. As such, we do not engage in romantic kissing indiscriminately, unless the costs of kissing are traded off in favour of escalating courtship with a ‘high quality’ mate14. Consistent with the mate assessment hypothesis, kissing is more important, and is more likely to influence attraction, for the more ‘selective’ sex (women21,22), among more selective individuals (attractive individuals) and in contexts where the costs of choosing a less healthy mate are greater (i.e. in short-term sexual encounters14). [...]
Here, we extend Wlodarski & Dunbar’s14,17 two hypotheses, and test for cultural differences in the use and appreciation of kissing in romantic relationships. First, if kissing plays a role in assessments of ‘quality’, the benefits of assessing partner quality are likely to be greater in less-healthy environments (see, e.g.23, for a similar line of reasoning related to mate preferences). Here, we examine the mate assessment hypothesis and test whether people in less-healthy countries place greater importance on this form of courtship behaviour (i.e. to assess quality, as indexed via attitudes) but do so selectively (as indexed via frequency) in light of the greater potential risks of kissing within a high-pathogen environment. Thus, we predict that national health will be negatively related to the importance of kissing at the initial stages of a romantic relationship (Hypothesis #1) and, as a pathogen avoidance mechanism, will be negatively related to participant’s reported satisfaction with the amount of kissing in romantic relationships (i.e., a weaker desire for more frequent kissing in less-healthy countries, Hypothesis #2). Moreover, as the health costs of kissing in such environments will be lesser, we predict that national health will be positively related to the frequency of kissing within romantic relationships (Hypothesis #3). In other words, this would extend prior research by suggesting that the value attached to kissing as a mate assessment cue is greater in high pathogen ecologies (i.e., to accept or reject a partner) even if it is used sparingly in these environments.
Second, theoretical perspectives argue that monogamy and/or relationship investment are valued in harsh environments, such as those where resources are scarce in relative or absolute terms (see, e.g.24,25, for discussion), and the pair bonding hypothesis14 proposes that kissing plays an important role in how couples maintain and monitor the quality of a committed romantic relationship. Thus, we test the pair bonding hypothesis by examining whether individuals from countries of low absolute and relative wealth (i.e. high income inequality) place greater importance on kissing at the established (but not initial) phases of a romantic relationship (i.e. when investment is of greater concern; Hypothesis #4), report greater frequency of kissing in their relationships (to maintain a pair-bond in an economically harsh environment, Hypothesis #5) and lower satisfaction with the amount of kissing in their relationships (i.e., a stronger desire to signal investment through kissing in an economically harsh environment, Hypothesis #6).
When testing both hypotheses on the function of mouth-to-mouth kissing in relationships, we also test for national differences in two other forms of close/intimate contact (hugging and sexual intercourse) in order to examine whether our predictions are specific to, or are stronger or weaker for, mouth-to-mouth kissing than other forms of romantic expression. Evidence for specificity in our findings toward kissing would complement prior work, which demonstrates that kissing is a more substantial predictor of romantic relationship quality than other forms of closeness and/or intimacy such as sexual intercourse17, by suggesting that the ‘special’ role that kissing may play in the quality of long-term romantic relationships, and potentially relationship outcomes, varies according to the harshness of the environment. [...]
Finally, we aim to replicate prior work by testing for an identical factor structure to the perceived components of a good kiss (biological/sensory component, arousal/contact and technique/execution17) among a broader international sample. [...].
Second, theoretical perspectives argue that monogamy and/or relationship investment are valued in harsh environments, such as those where resources are scarce in relative or absolute terms (see, e.g.24,25, for discussion), and the pair bonding hypothesis14 proposes that kissing plays an important role in how couples maintain and monitor the quality of a committed romantic relationship. Thus, we test the pair bonding hypothesis by examining whether individuals from countries of low absolute and relative wealth (i.e. high income inequality) place greater importance on kissing at the established (but not initial) phases of a romantic relationship (i.e. when investment is of greater concern; Hypothesis #4), report greater frequency of kissing in their relationships (to maintain a pair-bond in an economically harsh environment, Hypothesis #5) and lower satisfaction with the amount of kissing in their relationships (i.e., a stronger desire to signal investment through kissing in an economically harsh environment, Hypothesis #6).
When testing both hypotheses on the function of mouth-to-mouth kissing in relationships, we also test for national differences in two other forms of close/intimate contact (hugging and sexual intercourse) in order to examine whether our predictions are specific to, or are stronger or weaker for, mouth-to-mouth kissing than other forms of romantic expression. Evidence for specificity in our findings toward kissing would complement prior work, which demonstrates that kissing is a more substantial predictor of romantic relationship quality than other forms of closeness and/or intimacy such as sexual intercourse17, by suggesting that the ‘special’ role that kissing may play in the quality of long-term romantic relationships, and potentially relationship outcomes, varies according to the harshness of the environment. [...]
Finally, we aim to replicate prior work by testing for an identical factor structure to the perceived components of a good kiss (biological/sensory component, arousal/contact and technique/execution17) among a broader international sample. [...]
Drosophila simulans: Alcohol intake did not affect copulation duration, but did reduce female choosiness & weakened the strength of mate preference, as females mated more quickly & with more males
Archer, C. Ruth and Alper, Cleo and Mack, Laura and Weedon, Melanie and Sharma, Manmohan D. and Sutter, Andreas and Hosken, David J., Alcohol Alters Female Sexual Behaviour (April 25, 2019). SSRN: http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3378006
Abstract: Consuming alcohol can influence sexual decision-making, but potential effects on female mating-behaviours like mate-choice are unclear. If alcohol alters female mate-choice then its consumption will affect sexual selection, a major mechanism of organic evolution. Here, we tested whether alcohol intake affected female mate preferences, choosiness and copulation duration using the fly Drosophila simulans as a model, while simultaneously testing for genetic variation in possible effects. We found that alcohol intake did not affect copulation duration, but did reduce female choosiness and weakened the strength of mate preference, as females mated more quickly and with more males after consuming alcohol. Although female genotype significantly affected choosiness, the effects of alcohol were broadly consistent across genotypes. Thus alcohol consumption reduced female choosiness and weakened mate-preference, potentially reducing the strength of sexual selection.
Abstract: Consuming alcohol can influence sexual decision-making, but potential effects on female mating-behaviours like mate-choice are unclear. If alcohol alters female mate-choice then its consumption will affect sexual selection, a major mechanism of organic evolution. Here, we tested whether alcohol intake affected female mate preferences, choosiness and copulation duration using the fly Drosophila simulans as a model, while simultaneously testing for genetic variation in possible effects. We found that alcohol intake did not affect copulation duration, but did reduce female choosiness and weakened the strength of mate preference, as females mated more quickly and with more males after consuming alcohol. Although female genotype significantly affected choosiness, the effects of alcohol were broadly consistent across genotypes. Thus alcohol consumption reduced female choosiness and weakened mate-preference, potentially reducing the strength of sexual selection.
One of the key sources of support for the view that challenging people’s beliefs about free will may undermine moral behavior is a classic study by Vohs and Schooler (2008); seems not replicable
Nadelhoffer, Thomas, Jason Shepard, Damien Crone, Jim A. C. Everett, Brian D. Earp, and Neil Levy. 2019. “Does Encouraging a Belief in Determinism Increase Cheating? Reconsidering the Value of Believing in Free Will.” OSF Preprints. May 3. doi:10.31219/osf.io/bhpe5
Abstract: One of the key sources of support for the view that challenging people’s beliefs about free will may undermine moral behavior is a classic study by Vohs and Schooler (2008). These authors reported that exposure to certain prompts suggesting that free will is an illusion increased cheating behavior among study participants. In the present paper, we report several attempts to replicate this influential and widely cited work. Over a series of four high-powered studies (three preregistered) we tested the relationship between (1) anti-free-will prompts and free will beliefs and (2) free will beliefs and immoral behavior. Our primary task was to closely replicate the findings from Vohs and Schooler (2008) using the same or similar manipulations and measurements as the ones used in their original studies. Our efforts were largely unsuccessful. We suggest that manipulating free will beliefs in a robust way is more difficult than has been implied by prior work, and that the proposed link with immoral behavior may be similarly tenuous.
Abstract: One of the key sources of support for the view that challenging people’s beliefs about free will may undermine moral behavior is a classic study by Vohs and Schooler (2008). These authors reported that exposure to certain prompts suggesting that free will is an illusion increased cheating behavior among study participants. In the present paper, we report several attempts to replicate this influential and widely cited work. Over a series of four high-powered studies (three preregistered) we tested the relationship between (1) anti-free-will prompts and free will beliefs and (2) free will beliefs and immoral behavior. Our primary task was to closely replicate the findings from Vohs and Schooler (2008) using the same or similar manipulations and measurements as the ones used in their original studies. Our efforts were largely unsuccessful. We suggest that manipulating free will beliefs in a robust way is more difficult than has been implied by prior work, and that the proposed link with immoral behavior may be similarly tenuous.
From 2016... Little totalitarian enforcers: 3-year-olds were taught the rules of a game, & when a puppet played the game a different way, they corrected him with normative language (“That’s not how it’s done!”)
Young Children See a Single Action and Infer a Social Norm: Promiscuous Normativity in 3-Year-Olds. Marco F. H. Schmidt, Lucas P. Butler, Julia Heinz, and Michael Tomasello. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797616661182
Abstract: Human social life depends heavily on social norms that prescribe and proscribe specific actions. Typically, young children learn social norms from adult instruction. In the work reported here, we showed that this is not the whole story: Three-year-old children are promiscuous normativists. In other words, they spontaneously inferred the presence of social norms even when an adult had done nothing to indicate such a norm in either language or behavior. And children of this age even went so far as to enforce these self-inferred norms when third parties “broke” them. These results suggest that children do not just passively acquire social norms from adult behavior and instruction; rather, they have a natural and proactive tendency to go from “is” to “ought.” That is, children go from observed actions to prescribed actions and do not perceive them simply as guidelines for their own behavior but rather as objective normative rules applying to everyone equally.
Keywords: children, cognitive development, cooperation, social cognition, social norms, open materials
Individuals of virtually all social species attempt to influence and control others’ behavior, from threatening aggression to offering mating. But beginning with Homo sapiens sapiens some 200,000 years ago, human social groups—now, cultural groups—created a new form of social control in which the group as a whole communicated collective expectations for individual behavior in the form of social norms. Some social norms regulate, for instance, food distribution or mating and thus reduce interpersonal conflict and foster cooperative group functioning (Boyd & Richerson, 2009; Chudek & Henrich, 2011). But for other social norms, individuals are expected to conform merely to coordinate with other group members or to display their commitment to the group (Hogg & Reid, 2006; Lewis, 1969; Parsons, 1951; Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, & Wetherell, 1987). These conventional norms range from conventional ways of talking, dressing, using artifacts, and preparing food to cultural and religious rituals (Rossano, 2012; Schmidt & Tomasello, 2012; Turiel, 1983).
Young children are born into a world structured by social norms. For the first 3 years, however, they seem to perceive only the expectations that specific other individuals (e.g., their parents) have for their behavior. But from around age 3, children begin to say and do things that indicate a richer understanding of social norms as generic prescriptions and proscriptions coming from something larger than an individual and applying universally to anyone engaging in a certain activity (Nagel, 1986; Rakoczy & Schmidt, 2013; Schmidt & Tomasello, 2012; Smetana & Braeges, 1990). In several recent studies, 3-year-olds were taught the rules of a game, and then when a puppet played the game a different way, they corrected him or even taught him the right way to play it (Rakoczy, Brosche, Warneken, & Tomasello, 2009; Rakoczy, Warneken, & Tomasello, 2008; Schmidt, Rakoczy, & Tomasello, 2011, 2012). They often did this with so-called generic normative language (e.g., “That’s not how it’s done!”). At a very young age, children thus cross over from being targets to being enforcers, and they clearly recognize the generic, even objective, nature of the norms they are enforcing.
All previous studies of young children’s norm learning have exposed them to the norm in a context that suggests the presence of a right way to act. Typically, an adult explicitly teaches children the norm using generic normative language (“This is how it’s done”) and a conventional label (e.g., “This is daxing”; Rakoczy et al., 2008), and the objects are artifacts clearly designed to be used in a normatively prescribed way (Casler, Terziyan, & Greene, 2009; Schmidt et al., 2011). By contrast, in the current two experiments, we explored whether children who see adults performing actions might overinterpret those actions as instantiated generic social norms, even without any teaching, language, or artifacts. Young children have been shown to be promiscuous imitators who overimitate actions irrelevant to an instrumental goal (Lyons, Young, & Keil, 2007; McGuigan, Whiten, Flynn, & Horner, 2007; Nielsen & Tomaselli, 2010) and promiscuous teleologists who overattribute purposeful design to natural kinds (Kelemen, 1999, 2004). In the experiments reported here, we investigated the possibility that they are also promiscuous normativists who overattribute objective social norms when there actually are none.
In two experiments, 3-year-old children saw an adult spontaneously perform a novel action with some materials, and then they saw a puppet perform a different action, with the same materials, that had the same result. This gave the children the opportunity to spontaneously intervene and protest if they perceived the action as normatively wrong (Rakoczy et al., 2008; Schmidt et al., 2011). The modeled action was arbitrary, without obvious purpose, and thus rather open to overinterpretation in terms of the way something is done (as in “This is how we do it!”; Schmidt & Tomasello, 2012; Searle, 1995). To investigate the key question, we manipulated both the manner of demonstration (between participants) and the type of materials (within participants) used in that demonstration. Prior research suggested that children readily learn generic and normative knowledge in both pedagogical and nonpedagogical contexts (Butler & Markman, 2012, 2014, 2016; Butler, Schmidt, Bürgel, & Tomasello, 2015; Butler & Tomasello, 2016; Csibra & Gergely, 2009, 2011; Schmidt et al., 2011; Vredenburgh, Kushnir, & Casasola, 2015); accordingly, children saw the identical action performed by an adult, either (a) pedagogically for their benefit or (b) intentionally or accidentally by a stranger in an incidental observation.
In Experiment 1, each child saw the adult spontaneously fishing objects out of her bag. The adult used a tool, either an artifact (e.g., a human-made object with a hook), from which the child could infer a conventional purpose, or a natural “tool” (e.g., a branch that happened to be usable as a hook) that suggested no conventional purpose. In Experiment 2, we went a step further, stripping away all of the cues—both in the objects themselves and in the social-pragmatic context—that might suggest a norm. We did so by using purposeless junk objects that the adult spontaneously took out of a trash bag (not out of her own bag). The trash bag was filled with junk objects that were incidentally found on the child’s chair in the beginning of the experiment. We predicted that in both experiments, regardless of whether the objects had a conventional purpose, children would infer a social norm from a single intentional action and would thus protest more when the action was pedagogical or intentional than when it was accidental.
Abstract: Human social life depends heavily on social norms that prescribe and proscribe specific actions. Typically, young children learn social norms from adult instruction. In the work reported here, we showed that this is not the whole story: Three-year-old children are promiscuous normativists. In other words, they spontaneously inferred the presence of social norms even when an adult had done nothing to indicate such a norm in either language or behavior. And children of this age even went so far as to enforce these self-inferred norms when third parties “broke” them. These results suggest that children do not just passively acquire social norms from adult behavior and instruction; rather, they have a natural and proactive tendency to go from “is” to “ought.” That is, children go from observed actions to prescribed actions and do not perceive them simply as guidelines for their own behavior but rather as objective normative rules applying to everyone equally.
Keywords: children, cognitive development, cooperation, social cognition, social norms, open materials
Individuals of virtually all social species attempt to influence and control others’ behavior, from threatening aggression to offering mating. But beginning with Homo sapiens sapiens some 200,000 years ago, human social groups—now, cultural groups—created a new form of social control in which the group as a whole communicated collective expectations for individual behavior in the form of social norms. Some social norms regulate, for instance, food distribution or mating and thus reduce interpersonal conflict and foster cooperative group functioning (Boyd & Richerson, 2009; Chudek & Henrich, 2011). But for other social norms, individuals are expected to conform merely to coordinate with other group members or to display their commitment to the group (Hogg & Reid, 2006; Lewis, 1969; Parsons, 1951; Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, & Wetherell, 1987). These conventional norms range from conventional ways of talking, dressing, using artifacts, and preparing food to cultural and religious rituals (Rossano, 2012; Schmidt & Tomasello, 2012; Turiel, 1983).
Young children are born into a world structured by social norms. For the first 3 years, however, they seem to perceive only the expectations that specific other individuals (e.g., their parents) have for their behavior. But from around age 3, children begin to say and do things that indicate a richer understanding of social norms as generic prescriptions and proscriptions coming from something larger than an individual and applying universally to anyone engaging in a certain activity (Nagel, 1986; Rakoczy & Schmidt, 2013; Schmidt & Tomasello, 2012; Smetana & Braeges, 1990). In several recent studies, 3-year-olds were taught the rules of a game, and then when a puppet played the game a different way, they corrected him or even taught him the right way to play it (Rakoczy, Brosche, Warneken, & Tomasello, 2009; Rakoczy, Warneken, & Tomasello, 2008; Schmidt, Rakoczy, & Tomasello, 2011, 2012). They often did this with so-called generic normative language (e.g., “That’s not how it’s done!”). At a very young age, children thus cross over from being targets to being enforcers, and they clearly recognize the generic, even objective, nature of the norms they are enforcing.
All previous studies of young children’s norm learning have exposed them to the norm in a context that suggests the presence of a right way to act. Typically, an adult explicitly teaches children the norm using generic normative language (“This is how it’s done”) and a conventional label (e.g., “This is daxing”; Rakoczy et al., 2008), and the objects are artifacts clearly designed to be used in a normatively prescribed way (Casler, Terziyan, & Greene, 2009; Schmidt et al., 2011). By contrast, in the current two experiments, we explored whether children who see adults performing actions might overinterpret those actions as instantiated generic social norms, even without any teaching, language, or artifacts. Young children have been shown to be promiscuous imitators who overimitate actions irrelevant to an instrumental goal (Lyons, Young, & Keil, 2007; McGuigan, Whiten, Flynn, & Horner, 2007; Nielsen & Tomaselli, 2010) and promiscuous teleologists who overattribute purposeful design to natural kinds (Kelemen, 1999, 2004). In the experiments reported here, we investigated the possibility that they are also promiscuous normativists who overattribute objective social norms when there actually are none.
In two experiments, 3-year-old children saw an adult spontaneously perform a novel action with some materials, and then they saw a puppet perform a different action, with the same materials, that had the same result. This gave the children the opportunity to spontaneously intervene and protest if they perceived the action as normatively wrong (Rakoczy et al., 2008; Schmidt et al., 2011). The modeled action was arbitrary, without obvious purpose, and thus rather open to overinterpretation in terms of the way something is done (as in “This is how we do it!”; Schmidt & Tomasello, 2012; Searle, 1995). To investigate the key question, we manipulated both the manner of demonstration (between participants) and the type of materials (within participants) used in that demonstration. Prior research suggested that children readily learn generic and normative knowledge in both pedagogical and nonpedagogical contexts (Butler & Markman, 2012, 2014, 2016; Butler, Schmidt, Bürgel, & Tomasello, 2015; Butler & Tomasello, 2016; Csibra & Gergely, 2009, 2011; Schmidt et al., 2011; Vredenburgh, Kushnir, & Casasola, 2015); accordingly, children saw the identical action performed by an adult, either (a) pedagogically for their benefit or (b) intentionally or accidentally by a stranger in an incidental observation.
In Experiment 1, each child saw the adult spontaneously fishing objects out of her bag. The adult used a tool, either an artifact (e.g., a human-made object with a hook), from which the child could infer a conventional purpose, or a natural “tool” (e.g., a branch that happened to be usable as a hook) that suggested no conventional purpose. In Experiment 2, we went a step further, stripping away all of the cues—both in the objects themselves and in the social-pragmatic context—that might suggest a norm. We did so by using purposeless junk objects that the adult spontaneously took out of a trash bag (not out of her own bag). The trash bag was filled with junk objects that were incidentally found on the child’s chair in the beginning of the experiment. We predicted that in both experiments, regardless of whether the objects had a conventional purpose, children would infer a social norm from a single intentional action and would thus protest more when the action was pedagogical or intentional than when it was accidental.
Friday, May 3, 2019
Cass Sunstein ask for firms, universities, and government agencies to regularly conduct Sludge Audits to catalogue the costs of sludge, instead of the reactive audits like GAO currently performs
Sunstein, Cass R., Sludge Audits (April 27, 2019). SSRN https://ssrn.com/abstract=3379367
Abstract: Consumers, employees, students, and others are often subjected to “sludge”: excessive or unjustified frictions, such as paperwork burdens, that cost time or money; that may make life difficult to navigate; that may be frustrating, stigmatizing, or humiliating; and that might end up depriving people of access to important goods, opportunities, and services. Because of behavioral biases and cognitive scarcity, sludge can have much more harmful effects than private and public institutions anticipate. To protect consumers, investors, employees, and others, firms, universities, and government agencies should regularly conduct Sludge Audits to catalogue the costs of sludge, and to decide when and how to reduce it. Much of human life is unnecessarily sludgy. Sludge often has costs far in excess of benefits, and it can have hurt the most vulnerable members of society.
Abstract: Consumers, employees, students, and others are often subjected to “sludge”: excessive or unjustified frictions, such as paperwork burdens, that cost time or money; that may make life difficult to navigate; that may be frustrating, stigmatizing, or humiliating; and that might end up depriving people of access to important goods, opportunities, and services. Because of behavioral biases and cognitive scarcity, sludge can have much more harmful effects than private and public institutions anticipate. To protect consumers, investors, employees, and others, firms, universities, and government agencies should regularly conduct Sludge Audits to catalogue the costs of sludge, and to decide when and how to reduce it. Much of human life is unnecessarily sludgy. Sludge often has costs far in excess of benefits, and it can have hurt the most vulnerable members of society.
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