fRMI & romantically disillusioning events: Compared to regret‐inducing events, disillusioning events showed greater activation in areas thought pertinent to detail processing and decision making (occipital fusiform & lingual gyrus)

Functional magnetic resonance imaging activation in response to prompts of romantically disillusioning events. Sylvia Niehuis et al. Personal Relationships, May 30 2019. https://doi.org/10.1111/pere.12272

Abstract: To differentiate romantic disillusionment from similar constructs of dissatisfaction and regret, functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging (fMRI) data obtained when romantically involved individuals (N = 39) were reminded of relationship events representing these emotions were analyzed. Whole‐brain activations suggested disillusionment‐linked processes not observed for dissatisfaction or regret. Compared to dissatisfying events, disillusioning ones showed greater activity in regions pertaining to evaluation, reflection, and reconciling conflicting information (e.g., anterior cingulate cortex). No regions showed significantly more activation for dissatisfying than disillusioning events. Compared to regret‐inducing events, disillusioning events showed greater activation in areas thought pertinent to detail processing and decision making (occipital fusiform and lingual gyrus). Regret‐inducing events activated regions suggesting the planning and thoughts of how one could have acted differently (e.g., prefrontal cortex).

The Relationship between Marijuana Use Prior to Sex and Sexual Function in Women: Marijuana appears to improve satisfaction with orgasm

Lynn BK, López JD, Miller C, et al. The Relationship between Marijuana Use Prior to Sex and Sexual Function in Women. Sex Med 2019;7:192-197. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.esxm.2019.01.003

Abstract
INTRODUCTION: Scientific research on the effects of marijuana on sexual functioning in women, including libido, arousal, orgasm, and satisfaction, is limited.

AIM: To evaluate women's perceptions of the effect of marijuana use before sexual activity.

METHODS: A cross-sectional design, from March 2016-February 2017, within a single, academic, obstetrics and gynecology practice, was performed. Patients were given a questionnaire at their visit and asked to complete it anonymously and place it in a locked box after their visit.

MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: The primary outcome was satisfaction in the sexual domains of drive, orgasm, lubrication, dyspareunia, and overall sexual experience. The secondary outcome was the effect of the frequency of marijuana use on satisfaction.

RESULTS: Of the 373 participants, 34.0% (n = 127) reported having used marijuana before sexual activity. Most women reported increases in sex drive, improvement in orgasm, decrease in pain, but no change in lubrication. After adjusting for race, women who reported marijuana use before sexual activity had 2.13 higher odds of reporting satisfactory orgasms (adjusted odds ratio = 2.13; 95% CI = 1.05, 4.35) than women who reported no marijuana use. After adjusting for race and age, women with frequent marijuana use, regardless of use before sex or not, had 2.10 times higher odds of reporting satisfactory orgasms than those with infrequent marijuana use (adjusted odds ratio = 2.10; 95% CI = 1.01-4.44).

CONCLUSION: Marijuana appears to improve satisfaction with orgasm. A better understanding of the role of the endocannabinoid system in women is important, because there is a paucity of literature, and it could help lead to development of treatments for female sexual dysfunction.

KEYWORDS: Epidemiology; Female Sexual Response; Health Behavior and Attitudes; Women’s Sexuality

Introduction

Over the last decade, marijuana use and the legalization of marijuana, medically and recreationally, has continued to increase in the United States.1 The internet is rife with claims of the beneficial effects of marijuana on several aspects of sexual function including libido, arousal, and orgasm. However, our scientific research on the effects of marijuana on sexual functioning is limited. Recently Palamar et al2 evaluated self-reported sexual effects of marijuana, ecstasy, and alcohol use in a small cohort of men and women aged 18–25. They found that the majority of marijuana users reported an increase in sexual enjoyment and orgasm intensity, as well as either an increase or no change in desire.2

Endocannabinoids, which are structurally similar to marijuana, are known to help regulate sexual function.3 The cannabinoid receptor, discovered in the 1990s, has been mapped to several areas of the brain that play a role in sexual function.3 Cannabinoids and endocannabinoids interact with the hormones and neurotransmitters that affect sexual behavior. Although these interactions have not been clearly illuminated, some studies in rodents have helped to clarify the relationship between cannabinoids and the hormones and neurotransmitters that affect sexual behavior.4 Although there is less data on human subjects, some studies have measured patient’s perceptions of the effects of marijuana on sexual function. Studies have reported an increase in desire and improvement in the quality of orgasm.5 Most recently, Klein et al6 evaluated the correlation between serum levels of 2 endogenous endocannabinoids and found a significant negative correlation between endocannabinoids and both physiological and subjective arousal in women. Sumnall et al7 reported that drugs such as cannabis and ecstasy were more frequently taken to improve the sexual experience than was alcohol.

The primary aim of this study was to determine how women perceive the sexual experience, specifically overall sexual satisfaction, sex drive, orgasm, dyspareunia, and lubrication, when using marijuana before sex. The magnitude of the change was also evaluated. The secondary aim sought to understand the effect of the frequency of marijuana use, regardless of marijuana use before sex, on satisfaction across the different sexual function domains.

GDPR After One Year: Costs and Unintended Consequences. By Alec Stapp

GDPR After One Year: Costs and Unintended Consequences. Alec Stapp. May 24 2019. https://truthonthemarket.com/2019/05/24/gdpr-after-one-year-costs-and-unintended-consequences/

Excerpts (full links in the original article):

GDPR cases and fines
Here is the latest data on cases and fines released by the European Data Protection Board (https://edpb.europa.eu/news/news/2019/1-year-gdpr-taking-stock_en):

    €55,955,871 in fines
        €50 million of which was a single fine on Google
    281,088 total cases
        144,376 complaints
        89,271 data breach notifications
        47,441 other
    37.0% ongoing
    62.9% closed
    0.1% appealed

Compliance costs are astronomical
    Prior to GDPR going into effect, it was estimated that total GDPR compliance costs for US firms with more than 500 employees “could reach $150 billion.” (Fortune)
    Another estimate from the same time said 75,000 Data Protection Officers would need to be hired for compliance. (IAPP)
    As of March 20, 2019, 1,129 US news sites are still unavailable in the EU due to GDPR. (Joseph O’Connor)
    Microsoft had 1,600 engineers working on compliance. (Microsoft)
    During a Senate hearing, Keith Enright, Google’s chief privacy officer, estimated that the company spent “hundreds of years of human time” to comply with the new privacy rules. (Quartz)
        However, French authorities ultimately decided Google’s compliance efforts were insufficient: “France fines Google nearly $57 million for first major violation of new European privacy regime” (The Washington Post)
    “About 220,000 name tags will be removed in Vienna by the end of [2018], the city’s housing authority said. Officials fear that they could otherwise be fined up to $23 million, or about $1,150 per name.” (The Washington Post)
        Other reports claim that GDPR does not require removing name tags from buildings, but it is telling that ambiguity in the law caused the Vienna housing authority to believe it did (derStandard)

Unseen costs of foregone investment & research
    Startups: One study estimated that venture capital invested in EU startups fell by as much as 50 percent due to GDPR implementation. (NBER)
    Mergers and acquisitions: “55% of respondents said they had worked on deals that fell apart because of concerns about a target company’s data protection policies and compliance with GDPR” (WSJ)
    Scientific research: “[B]iomedical researchers fear that the EU’s new General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) will make it harder to share information across borders or outside their original research context.” (Politico)

GDPR has been the death knell for small and medium-sized businesses

SMBs have left the EU market in droves (or shut down entirely). Here is a partial list:

    Brent Ozar, IT consulting services
    CoinTouch, peer-to-peer cryptocurrency exchange
    Drawbridge, cross-device identity service
    FamilyTreeDNA, free and public genetic tools
        Mitosearch
        Ysearch
    Gravity Interactive, video game developer
        Ragnarok Online
        Dragon Saga
    Hitman: Absolution, video game developed by IO Interactive
    Klout, social reputation service by Lithium
    Loadout, video game developed by Edge of Reality
    Monal, XMPP chat app
    MotoSport, powersports retailer
    Parity, know-your-customer service for initial coin offerings (ICOs)
    Payver, dashcam app
    Pottery Barn, housewares retailer
    Seznam, social network for students
    Steel Root, cybersecurity and IT services
    StreetLend, tool sharing platform for neighbors
    Super Monday Night Combat (SMNC), video game developed by Uber Entertainment
    Tunngle, video game VPN
    Unroll.me, inbox management app
    Verve, mobile programmatic advertising
    Williams-Sonoma, housewares retailer

The majority (94.5%) of women indicated having masturbated at least once in their life; reported masturbating 2 or 3 times a week (26.8%) or once (26.3%); it is not “a partner substitute”, but rather is a stress coping & relaxation strategy

Masturbatory Behavior in a Population Sample of German Women. Andrea Burri, Ana Carvalheira. The Journal of Sexual Medicine, May 30 2019. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jsxm.2019.04.015

Abstract
Background: Human masturbation is and has been a very heatedly and controversially discussed topic in human sexuality. Studies investigating aspects of human masturbatory behavior and female sexual pleasure remain scarce. This lack of knowledge opens the door to further controversies and misconceptions.

Aim: To conduct an explorative study on female masturbatory behavior to gain more insight into this nonreproductive sexual behavior and provide an empiric basis for future research.

Methods: A total of 425 German women (mean age 26.6 years), 61.4% of whom were in a committed relationship, completed a comprehensive 76-item online survey consisting of study-specific, self-constructed questions and validated and standardized questionnaires.

Main Outcome Measure: Correlation and comparative analyses were performed. Results are presented numerically as means and percentages.

Results: The majority (94.5%) of women indicated having masturbated at least once in their life, with a mean age at first masturbation of 14 years. 85.9% of women described masturbation as “genital self-stimulation until reaching orgasm.” The majority of women reported masturbating 2 or 3 times a week (26.8%) or once a week (26.3%). Factors independently associated with masturbation frequency were relationship status, orgasm frequency, openness to new experience, and body acceptance. Almost all women (91.5%) reported masturbating also when in a relationship. For the 5.5% of women who had never engaged in autoerotic stimulation, the 2 main reasons were “I hardly every feel sexual desire” and “sex is a partner-only thing.” 7.6% reported never experiencing an orgasm during masturbation, whereas 50.3% indicated that they always reached orgasm during autostimulation. The reasons cited for engaging in masturbation were manifold, ranging from sexual desire to relaxation and stress reduction. The most common fantasy included the partner; however, 20.7% fantasized about being “defenseless,” and 8.7% thought about a “disturbing” scenario that they chose not to elaborate further.

Clinical Implications: For many women, masturbation does not represent “a partner substitute” to seek sexual pleasure, but rather is a stress coping and relaxation strategy.

Strengths & Limitations: This is one of the very first studies to provide more in-depth insight into a variety of aspects related to female masturbation. The representativeness of the data is limited to this particular sample of German women.

Conclusion: Our findings highlight the huge diversity in terms of masturbation frequency, motivations, styles, and preferences that can be observed in this particular population sample of German women.

Valkyries: Was Gender Equality High in the Scandinavian Periphery since Viking Times? Evidence from Enamel Hypoplasia and Height Ratios

Valkyries: Was Gender Equality High in the Scandinavian Periphery since Viking Times? Evidence from Enamel Hypoplasia and Height Ratios. Laura Maravall Buckwalter. Economics & Human Biology, May 30 2019. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ehb.2019.05.007

Highlights
•    Frequency of linear enamel hypoplasia is used as an indicator of gender equality.
•    This indicator allows us to measure the health of men and women over two millennia.
•    Scandinavian women had better relative values already during the Viking era.
•    Medieval Scandinavian women were also healthier than contemporary women elsewhere.

Abstract: Scandinavian countries currently have very high values of female autonomy. Was this already the case in Viking Times? In this study, we trace the roots of gender equality in the Scandinavian periphery over the past two millennia. We evaluate and recommend a new measure of early gender equality: relative enamel hypoplasia values of males and females. This new indicator allows us to trace relative health and nutritional equality, using archaeological evidence. We find that Scandinavian women in the rural periphery already had relatively good health and nutritional values during the Viking era and the medieval period thereafter. The corresponding value is 0.8 equality advantage for Scandinavian women, whereas in the rest of Europe most values fall in a band around 1.2 ratio units. This suggests that the currently high gender equality had a precedence during the Middle Ages.

Self‐employed males are more likely to be attractive & more attractive self‐employed males have higher incomes; differences in income from IQ declined as attractiveness increases; no differences for females

In the eye of the beholder? The returns to beauty and IQ for the self‐employed. Pankaj C. Patel, Marcus T. Wolfe. Strategic Entrepreneurship Journal, May 24 2019. https://doi.org/10.1002/sej.1323

Research summary: Using a two study approach, we examine the relationship between attractiveness and key aspects of self‐employment. In Study 1, in which individuals rated the attractiveness of participants at the beginning of the interview, our results indicate that self‐employed males are more likely to be attractive and that more attractive self‐employed males have higher incomes. In Study 2, our findings indicate that at low levels of attractiveness, higher IQ self‐employed males have higher incomes in 1974; however, differences in income from IQ declined as attractiveness increases. We do not find differences for either outcome for females in either study.

Managerial summary: This research investigates the relationship between attractiveness and self‐employment. The results indicate that self‐employed males are more likely to be considered attractive than their female counterparts, and that attractive self‐employed males have higher incomes than self‐employed males who were not considered attractive. Additionally, our results reveal that IQ is positively associated with income for less attractive self‐employed males, however this relationship decreases in strength as attractiveness increases. Interestingly, our results do not indicate that attractiveness influences either the likelihood of self‐employment, or performance within self‐employment, for females. Our findings highlight the importance that attractiveness can play within the self‐employment process, as well as the relevance of considering the role that social norms regarding gender might have in determining who pursues, and is successful in, self‐employment.

Reworking Trauma through BDSM: Sadomasochistic reenactments of lived trauma, informed by queer-of-color critique, feminist performance studies, and psychoanalysis, may reconfigure such trauma

Reworking Trauma through BDSM. Corie Hammers. Signs, Journal of Women in Culture and Society, Volume 44, Number 2 | Winter 2019. https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1086/699370

Abstract: As part of a much larger ethnographic study of lesbian/queer sex publics, this essay focuses on a particular erotic practice—sadomasochistic reenactments of lived trauma. Informed by queer-of-color critique, feminist performance studies, and psychoanalysis, this essay explores the necessary queer conditions enabling such returns, by which I mean the reenacting through BDSM of one’s own lived trauma in order to reconfigure it. This queerness, as an embodied erotics fed by durational—as opposed to impersonal and anonymous—ties, rides on the relational. That is, it is our fleshy entanglements and shared dependencies that enable these returns, returns that refuse and reconfigure lived trauma. The site of lesbian/queer sex publics thus offers critical reworkings, somatically generating as it does alternatively embodied futures.

Visual Attention to Sexual Stimuli in Mostly Heterosexuals: Differences between mostly and exclusively heterosexual profiles in men depends on a pattern of response that was found to be mediated by reduced disgust

Visual Attention to Sexual Stimuli in Mostly Heterosexuals. James S. Morandini. Archives of Sexual Behavior, May 29 2019. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10508-019-1419-4

Abstract: Individuals who report mostly heterosexual orientations (i.e., mostly sexually attracted to the opposite sex, but occasionally attracted to the same sex) outnumber all other non-heterosexual individuals combined. The present study examined whether mostly heterosexual men and women view same- and other-sex sexual stimuli differently than exclusively heterosexual men and women. A novel eye-tracking paradigm was used with 162 mostly and exclusively heterosexual men and women. Compared to exclusively heterosexual men, mostly heterosexual men demonstrated greater attention to sexually explicit features (i.e., genital regions and genital contact regions) of solo male and male–male erotic stimuli, while demonstrating equivalent attention to sexually explicit features of solo female and female–female erotic stimuli. Mediation analyses suggested that differences between mostly and exclusively heterosexual profiles in men could be explained by mostly heterosexual men’s increased sexual attraction to solo male erotica, and their increased sexual attraction and reduced disgust to the male–male erotica. No comparable differences in attention were observed between mostly and exclusively heterosexual women—although mostly heterosexual women did demonstrate greater fixation on visual erotica overall—a pattern of response that was found to be mediated by reduced disgust.

Keywords: Mostly heterosexual Sexual orientation Disgust Visual attention Sex differences

There is a tendency to willfully & actively forget details about their own moral transgressions but not about their own morally praiseworthy deeds; when not forgotten, people foster a perception of moral improvement over time

Moral Memories and the Belief in the Good Self. Matthew L. Stanley, Felipe De Brigard. Current Directions in Psychological Science, May 29, 2019. https://doi.org/10.1177/0963721419847990

Abstract: Most people believe they are morally good, and this belief plays an integral role in constructions of personal identity. Yet people commit moral transgressions with surprising frequency in everyday life. In this article, we characterize two mechanisms involving autobiographical memory that are utilized to foster a belief in a morally good self in the present—despite frequent and repeated immoral behavior. First, there is a tendency for people to willfully and actively forget details about their own moral transgressions but not about their own morally praiseworthy deeds. Second, when past moral transgressions are not forgotten, people strategically compare their more recent unethical behaviors with their more distant unethical behaviors to foster a perception of personal moral improvement over time. This, in turn, helps to portray the current self favorably. These two complementary mechanisms help to explain pervasive inconsistencies between people’s personal beliefs about their own moral goodness and the frequency with which they behave immorally.

Keywords: ethics, moral, autobiographical memory, self-enhancement, identity

Sex differences of political interest: At age 15, there is already a gender gap of 20 pct points in the probability of respondents reporting being politically interested; in the following 10 years the gap grows by 10 additional pct points

Tracing the Gender Gap in Political Interest Over the Life Span: A Panel Analysis. Marta Fraile, Irene Sánchez‐Vítores. Political Psychology, May 29 2019. https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12600

Abstract: Despite recent advances in gender equality in political representation and the availability of resources, this article shows that there is a persistent gender gap in declared political interest over the life cycle. Using evidence from the British Household Panel Survey (BHPS), we track the gender gap through the life span of citizens. At age 15, there is already a substantial gender gap of 20 percentage points in the probability of respondents reporting being politically interested, pointing to gendered socialization processes as the key explanation for such differences. In the following 10 years, as people develop into adults and unravel their political orientations, the extent of the gender gap continues to grow by about 10 additional percentage points. Following these formative years, attitudes crystallize and so does the gender gap, remaining at the same size (around 30 percentage points of difference between women and men) over the life course. These findings suggest that the development of gender roles during early childhood is a crucial phase in the source of the gender gap, deserving further attention from scholars.

Some people share knowledge online, often without tangible compensation. Who does this, when, and why? People use behavioral displays to provide observers with useful information about traits in exchange for fitness benefits

The quality of online knowledge sharing signals general intelligence. Christian N.Yoder, Scott A.Reid. Personality and Individual Differences. Volume 148, 1 October 2019, Pages 90-94. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2019.05.013

Abstract: Some people share knowledge online, often without tangible compensation. Who does this, when, and why? According to costly signaling theory people use behavioral displays to provide observers with useful information about traits or states in exchange for fitness benefits. We tested whether individuals higher in general intelligence, g, provided better quality contributions to an information pool under high than low identifiability, and whether observers could infer signaler g from contribution quality. Using a putative online wiki (N = 98) we found that as individuals' scores on Ravens Progressive Matrices (RPM) increased, participants were judged to have written better quality articles, but only when identifiable and not when anonymous. Further, the effect of RPM scores on inferred intelligence was mediated by article quality, but only when signalers were identifiable. Consistent with costly signaling theory, signalers are extrinsically motivated and observers act as “naive psychometricians.” We discuss the implications for understanding online information pools and altruism.

Sexuality and sexism: Differences in ambivalent sexism across gender and sexual identity

Sexuality and sexism: Differences in ambivalent sexism across gender and sexual identity. Lucy J.Cowie, Lara M.Greaves, Chris G.Sibley. Personality and Individual Differences, Volume 148, 1 October 2019, Pages 85-89. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2019.05.023

Abstract: Heterosexual intimacy is theorised to play a key role in Ambivalent Sexism, yet gay, lesbian, and bisexual people's levels of Hostile and Benevolent Sexism have not been previously examined. This paper draws upon data from the national probability New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study (N = 18,266) to examine levels of Hostile and Benevolent sexism across gender (men and women) and sexual identity (gay/lesbian, bisexual, and heterosexual individuals). Overall, we found that men compared to women, and heterosexuals compared to lesbian/gay and bisexuals, had significantly higher Hostile and Benevolent Sexism than other groups. The interaction of gender and sexual identity was significant for Benevolent, but not Hostile, Sexism. Gay men had the lowest levels of Benevolent Sexism, with bisexual men scoring between gay and heterosexual men. Heterosexual women were higher in Benevolent Sexism than lesbian and bisexual women. These findings lend support to the notion that heterosexual intimacy is an important driver sustaining Benevolent Sexism.

Gossip and the Reasons Why We and Individuals With “Dark” Personalities Talk About Others: Even dark personalities appear to use gossip to tune their picture of other humans and themselves and not to harm others

Better Than Its Reputation? Gossip and the Reasons Why We and Individuals With “Dark” Personalities Talk About Others. Freda-Marie Hartung*, Constanze Krohn and Marie Pirschtat. Front. Psychol., May 29 2019. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.01162

Abstract: Gossip is an ubiquitous phenomenon. Hearing information about others serves important social functions such as learning without direct interaction and observation. Despite important social functions gossip has a rather negative reputation. Therefore, the present online study focuses on the reasons why people gossip and how these reasons are related to personality (i.e., dark triad) and situational settings. Six distinct motives were identified that underlie gossip behavior: information validation, information gathering, relationship building, protection, social enjoyment, and negative influence. The most important motive was validating information about the gossip target followed by the motive to acquire new information about the gossip target. The least important motive was harming the gossip target. The motivational pattern was highly similar between private and work context. Interestingly, the importance of motives mainly depends on the gossiper's narcissism both in work and in private settings. The findings suggest that the negative reputation of gossip is not justified. In fact, even “dark” personalities appear to use gossip to tune their picture of other humans and themselves and not to harm others.


Introduction

Eavesdropping in public settings reveals that people devote a substantial part of their conversations to gossip (e.g., Levin and Arluke, 1985; Dunbar et al., 1997). Accordingly, important social functions have been postulated for gossip in science (e.g., Foster, 2004). Despite these important functions, gossip has a rather bad reputation since it is perceived as inherently malicious harming people and society (e.g., Farley, 2011; Hartung and Renner, 2013; Peters and Kashima, 2013). Whether behavior can be judged as good or bad depends, at least in part, on the intention of the individuals engaging in that behavior. Therefore, the present study aims to examine whether the bad reputation of gossip is justified by examining reasons to gossip. In addition, we examine the reasons of individuals scoring high on the dark triad personality traits (i.e., narcissism, Machiavellianism, psychopathy) as they are known to ignore commonly accepted norms and to act selfishly (e.g., O‘Boyle et al., 2012; Muris et al., 2017). More specifically, we investigate whether individuals scoring high on the dark triad personality traits are more ready to use gossip in order to harm others and to serve themselves, thereby, contributing to the negative reputation of gossip.

Gossip refers to the exchange of information about characteristics and behaviors of an absent person (Dunbar, 2004b; Foster, 2004; Peters and Kashima, 2015). From an anthropological perspective, it has been argued that human language primarily evolved to exchange social information in order to deal with complex social situations (Dunbar, 1998, 2004a; Barrett et al., 2002), and that we, therefore, preferentially attend to social information (e.g., Mesoudi et al., 2006). Accordingly, two thirds of adult conversations in public settings involve gossip (e.g., Levin and Arluke, 1985; Dunbar et al., 1997). Experimental evidence is in line with that notion (e.g., Mesoudi et al., 2006). In general, gossip appears to be a widely spread and almost inevitable phenomenon.

As a result, important social functions have been postulated for gossip in anthropological and psychological science (e.g., Suls, 1977; Baumeister et al., 2004; Dunbar, 2004a,b; Foster, 2004; Hartung and Renner, 2013). First, gossip is an efficient means of gathering and disseminating information (Foster, 2004). The exchanged information enables individuals to get a map of their social environment and their position within that social environment (Suls, 1977; Baumeister et al., 2004; Foster, 2004; De Backer et al., 2007; Sommerfeld et al., 2007; Martinescu et al., 2014). Baumeister et al. (2004), for instance, understand gossip as an extension of observational learning. People learn about the complex social and cultural life by hearing about the success and misadventures of others. It appears that we do not learn only about extraordinary experience made by others but also about more trivial things such as dressing style (De Backer et al., 2007). Thus, exchanging information about others enables us to learn without direct interaction and observation.

Secondly, Dunbar (1998, 2004a) and Mesoudi et al. (2006) argues in his social gossip theory of language that human language evolved in order to keep track of complex social networks and to ensure the cohesion in large social groups. More specifically, it has been suggested and empirically shown that, at the dyadic level, sharing gossip is associated with friendship (Grosser et al., 2010; Watson, 2011; Ellwardt et al., 2012b) and even leads to the development of friendships (Ellwardt et al., 2012b; see also Bosson et al., 2006). In addition, it has been suggested that, at the group level, gossip leads to group specific knowledge, norms, and trust, in turn supporting group cohesion and bonding (e.g., Dunbar, 2004b; Foster, 2004; Peters et al., 2017). Thus, sharing information about others is a way to build and maintain relationships and networks.

Thirdly, a growing number of researchers assume that gossip serves as an informal policing device for controlling free riders and social cheats (Dunbar, 2004b; Keltner et al., 2008; Feinberg et al., 2012). Faced with the concern that information about negative behavior runs through the grapevine and may consequently lead to the loss of reputation or even social exclusion, it prevents people from acting against social norms and the good of the group (Piazza and Bering, 2008; Beersma and Van Kleef, 2011; Feinberg et al., 2014; Wu et al., 2016). Thus, gossip keeps people from acting against the good of the group and fosters cooperation.

Finally, it has been suggested that gossip has an entertainment function providing recreational value and considerable stimulation for very little costs (Foster, 2004; Peng et al., 2015). Taken together, research has postulated and empirically shown that the exchange of information about absent third persons serves several important functions in a social environment.

However, despite its important social functions, gossip has a rather negative reputation (Farley, 2011; Hartung and Renner, 2013; Peters and Kashima, 2013). For instance, asking individuals to rate their tendency to gossip, they rate themselves to be less gossipy than an average peer of the same sex, suggesting that gossiping is perceived rather negatively (Hartung and Renner, 2013). Also, frequent gossipers are perceived as less likable and less popular than people gossiping less frequently (Farley, 2011; Ellwardt et al., 2012b). Supporting the bad reputation, some researchers suggest that gossip is a covert form of aggression (i.e., non-confrontational) especially used by women (e.g., McAndrew, 2014). Thus, the positive “social function view” is not mirrored in the reputation of gossip and gossipers.

Thus, evaluating gossip as a rather positive or negative behavior is not as easy as it may appear at first sight. Focusing on the social functions, that can be understood as not necessarily intended social consequences of gossip behavior, research clearly paints a positive picture of gossip. However, one might also evaluate gossip with respect to other dimensions such as positivity or negativity of the transmitted information or the intention of the gossiper (Eckhaus and Ben-Hador, 2018). Focusing on one of these dimensions of gossip might change the evaluation and emphasize the negative reputation of gossip. And indeed, research has shown that people give consideration to the fact that gossip differs and also gossipers differ from each other (Farley, 2011; Beersma and Van Kleef, 2012; Peters and Kashima, 2015). Empirical findings have shown that people take the presumed motivation of a gossiper into account when judging the morality of the respective gossiper, for instance (Beersma and Van Kleef, 2012). Thus, even though people disapprove of gossip in general, they consider the reasons people might have to gossip.

Hence, to evaluate whether a certain behavior is good or bad, the underlying reasons or the intentions should be taken into account. Curiously, very few research exists on simply asking people about the reasons why they gossip (Beersma and Van Kleef, 2012). In their study, Beersma and Van Kleef (2012) distinguished four different reasons to gossip, namely information gathering and validation, social enjoyment, negative influence, and group protection. This means, people instigate gossip to gather information and compare their ideas about others, to enjoy themselves, to spread negative information about a third person, and/or to protect the person they are talking with. The study provides initial evidence that people primarily gossip to gain information about other people and not to harm others (Beersma and Van Kleef, 2012). Thus, when focusing on gossipers' intentions, a rather positive picture of gossip is painted.

Another way to explore whether the reputation of gossip is justified is to examine the gossip reasons of individuals scoring high on narcissism, Machiavellianism and psychopathy. These three traits are summarized under the umbrella term dark triad and gained considerable attention in the past years (Jones and Paulhus, 2011; O‘Boyle et al., 2012; Furnham et al., 2013; Jones and Figueredo, 2013; Lee et al., 2013; Book et al., 2015; Muris et al., 2017). It has been shown that the three traits are overlapping, but are nevertheless distinct concepts (e.g., Furnham et al., 2013; Lee et al., 2013; but see also Muris et al., 2017). As the common core the tendency to deceive, manipulate, and exploit others for one's own benefit has been suggested (Lee et al., 2013; see also Jones and Figueredo, 2013). Conversations about absent third parties appear to be an apparent method to do exactly that. Thus, if individuals with “dark” personalities regularly use gossip to spread negative information and harm others that would surely contribute to the negative reputation of gossip. However, if even individuals with “dark” personalities rarely use gossip with the intention to harm others, the positive aspects of gossip would be underlined.

Research has shown that the dark triad personality traits are related to a variety of negative social and non-social outcomes (e.g., Baughman et al., 2012; O‘Boyle et al., 2012; Wisse and Sleebos, 2016; Muris et al., 2017; Deutchman and Sullivan, 2018). For instance, individuals scoring higher on the dark triad traits show a higher tendency to tell lies and to cheat than individuals scoring lower on these traits (Nathanson et al., 2006; Williams et al., 2010; Baughman et al., 2014; Jonason et al., 2014; Roeser et al., 2016; Muris et al., 2017). In addition, individuals scoring higher on the dark triad value themselves over the others (Jonason et al., 2015), are less concerned with others' welfare (Djeriouat and Trémolière, 2014; Jonason et al., 2015; Noser et al., 2015) and with fairness (Jonason et al., 2015). Taken together, these studies and reviews illustrate that individuals scoring higher on the dark triad personality traits are willing to dismiss commonly accepted social norms and harm others for their own good.

Therefore, it is plausible to assume that individuals scoring higher on the dark traits are also more ready to use gossip for their own sake without caring about potentially negative effects for others. More specifically, it is easy to imagine that individuals scoring higher on the dark triad readily use gossip to negatively influence another person's reputation (i.e., potential competitor or rival) to push through self-beneficial agendas. In line with that notion, women scoring high on the dark triad traits use gossip—among other strategies—to derogate competitors (Carter et al., 2015). Additionally, as people with dark personalities are not concerned with others' welfare, they probably use gossip less often to protect other individuals or their group from harm (but see Lyons and Hughes, 2015). In a similar vein, the dark side of personality probably has a high impact on gossip motives that serve individual purposes. For instance, people scoring high on the dark triad traits report to have a strong desire for power, control, and dominance (e.g., Jonason et al., 2010; Lee et al., 2013; Semenyna and Honey, 2015). Gaining social information and knowledge about people surrounding us provides us with a sense of control and advantage over others (e.g., Swann et al., 1981; Fiske, 2004). Therefore, simply gathering and validating social information might be another salient reason for dark personalities to gossip.

Taken together, the present online study focuses on the reasons why people engage in conversations about absent third parties. The aims of the present study are 2-fold. First, we aim to examine the reasons for people to engage in gossip, replicating the study of Beersma and Van Kleef (2012). To do so, we translated the Motives to Gossip Questionnaire into German. In addition, we extended the questionnaire by widening the number of possible reasons including gossiping in order to foster relationship building and to gather social information. Second, to examine whether the bad reputation of gossip is justified or not, we explore the role of the “dark” personality traits in gossip motivation. One might assume that individuals scoring higher on narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy are more likely unconcerned with moral considerations and driven by selfish reasons when engaging in gossip, consequently, contributing to the negative reputation of gossip. However, we have no specific hypotheses concerning the single dark triad traits.

The Motives to Gossip Questionnaire asks participants to rate their reasons for gossip in a specific situation. In order to explore to what extent gossip motives can be generalized across situations, two different situations were incorporated in the study (i.e., private as well as workplace situations). Based on the work of Mischel (1977), researchers differentiate between strong situations with normative expectations and clear roles that constrain behavior, and weak situations which do not provide normative expectations, and, therefore, allow for more freedom in behavior and the expression of personality. Mischel (1977) argued that behavior in strong situations is based on situational circumstances rather than on the individual's personality. In the workplace, people have to follow rules and adjust their behavior to fulfill or support organizational objectives. Here we can assume rather strong situations. In private situations on the other hand, people are mostly unrestricted and have to comply with fewer norms or rules. Also, it is likely that work and private setting differ on a competitiveness-cooperativeness dimension. A competitive situation might elicit motives that serve the individual more easily and hazards negative consequences for others. Taken together, we assume that the work context reflects a rather strong (i.e., clear normative expectations) and competitive situation; and the private context reflects a rather weak and more cooperative situation. Consequently, we explore whether motives show differential importance between these two situations and whether the dark triad traits show differential relationships to gossip reasons across situations (see also Beersma and Van Kleef, 2012).

Beauty Is Not Always in the Eye of the Beholder: The Role of Vision in the Emergence of Mate Preferences

Scheller, Meike, Francine Matorres, Lucy Tompkins, Anthony C. Little, and Alexandra A. de Sousa. 2019. “Beauty Is Not Always in the Eye of the Beholder: The Role of Vision in the Emergence of Mate Preferences.” PsyArXiv. May 29. doi:10.31234/osf.io/nt3x

Abstract: Cross-cultural research has repeatedly demonstrated sex differences in the importance of different partner traits when choosing a mate. Here, men typically report higher preferences for younger, more physically attractive women, while women prefer men that are wealthier and of higher status. As the assessment of such partner characteristics often relies on visual cues, this raises the question whether visual experience is necessary in order for sex-specific mate preferences to develop. To shed more light onto the emergence of sex differences in mate choice, the current study assesses how preferences for attractiveness, resources, and personality factors differ between sighted and blind individuals. We further investigate the role of social factors and sensory cue selection in these sex-specific differences. Our sample consisted of 94 participants, 19 blind/28 sighted males, and 19 blind/28 sighted females. Results replicated well-documented findings in the sighted, with men placing more importance on physical attractiveness and women placing more importance on status and resources. However, while physical attractiveness was less important to blind men, blind women considered physical attractiveness as important as sighted women. The importance of a high status and similar personality was not influenced by sightedness. Blind individuals considered auditory cues more important than visual cues, while sighted males showed the opposite pattern. A good odor was generally rated as more important than other cues. Further, relationship status and indirect, social influences were related to preferences. Overall, our findings shed light on the emergence of sex-differences in mate preference by evaluating the influence previous exposure to certain partner characteristics has on the emergence of mate preferences.

Preliminary data, Millennials' philanthropic behavior: One cannot reject the hypothesis that Millennials donate more than members of earlier generations; but also seems true that are somewhat less likely to make any donations at all

Are Millennials Really Particularly Selfish? Preliminary Evidence From a Cross-Sectional Sample in the Philanthropy Panel Study. Peter Koczanski, Harvey S. Rosen. American Behavioral Scientist, May 28, 2019. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002764219850871

Abstract: We use panel data on charitable donations to analyze how the philanthropic behavior of Millennials (born between 1981 and 1996) compares with that of earlier generations. On the basis of a multivariate analysis with a rich set of economic and demographic variables, we find that conditional on making a gift, one cannot reject the hypothesis that Millennials donate more than members of earlier generations. However, Millennials are somewhat less likely to make any donations at all than their generational predecessors. While our data do not allow us to explore causal mechanisms, our findings suggest a more nuanced view of the Millennials’ prosocial behavior than is depicted in popular accounts.

Keywords: generosity, Millennials, selfishness, emerging adulthood theory, charity