The orgasm gap and what sex-ed did not teach you. MENAFN, Monday, July 29 2019 01:24 GMT. https://menafn.com/1098812921/The-orgasm-gap-and-what-sexed-did-not-teach-you
(MENAFN - The Conversation) There is a clear disparity between men and women when it comes to achieving orgasm; a phenomenon scientists call the orgasm gap.
Studying orgasms is no easy task. We work as psychology of sexual behaviour researchers in the lab ofDr. James Pfausat Concordia University and were interested to explore the'controversy'of clitoral versus vaginal orgasms.
We conducted a literature review on the current state of the evidence and different perspectives on how this phenomenon occurs in women. Particularly, the nature of a woman's orgasm has been a source of scientific, political and cultural debate for over a century. Althoughscience has an ideaof what orgasms are, we are still quite uncertain as to how they occur.
Orgasms areone of the few phenomena that occur as a result of a highly complex interaction of several physiological and psychological systems all at once. While there may be evolutionary reasons whymen aremore likely to orgasm during sex, we shouldn't doom ourselves to this idea. Indeed, part of the problem lies in what happens in the bedroom.
We all have different preferences when it comes to what we like in bed. But one commonality we share is that we know when we orgasm and when we do not. We don't always orgasm every time we have sex, and that can be just fine, because we may have sex for many different reasons. However, studies repeatedly show that women reach climax less often than men do during sexual encounters together.
For example, a national survey conducted in the United States showed thatwomen reported one orgasm for every three from men . Heterosexual males said they achieved orgasm usually or always during sexual intimacy, 95 per cent of the time.
The gap appears to become narrower among homosexual and bisexual people, where 89 per cent of gay males, 88 per cent bisexual males, 86 per cent lesbian women, and 66 per cent of bisexual women orgasm during sexual interactions.
When we take a closer look at what might explain the orgasm gap, we can see the type of relationship we have with our partner matters. If you are in an established committed relationship, thegap tends to close , but it widens during casual sex.
That is, women in a committed relationship report reaching an orgasm as often as 86 per cent of the time, whereas women in casual sex encounters report they orgasm only 39 per cent of the time. Furthermore, heterosexual women achieve orgasm easily and regularly through masturbation.
Likewise, the more knowledge about the female genitalia (especially about the clitoris) the partner has, the higher the likelihood is for women to orgasm more frequently. Finally, and most importantly, the respondents reported the most reliable practice to achieve an orgasm for women is oral sex.
We don't know why this gap occurs in casual sex versus sex in a committed relationship, but part of it might be how we communicate what we want sexually, what we expect sexually and attitudes toward sexual pleasure.
What sex-ed did not teach you
Formal education teaches us a vast amount of relevant topics in school, yet sexual education has been and is still a matter of (moral) debate. For many of us, sexual education covered reproductive biology and how not to get pregnant or contract sexually transmitted infections.
Sex-ed has been focusedon preventing kids from having sex. 'Always use condoms' was sometimes the most progressive sex-ed message. Education is now progressing into teaching what sex is about and how to engage in ethical and respectful sex, but that is still not the whole picture.How about pleasure or how to have fun and to explore what we like , how to communicate to our partners and many other crucial aspects of intimate life?
The key to the ultimate goal of enjoying ourselves is to know what you and your partner want and how to satisfy each other. Consequently, incomplete and biased sex education fails both men and women, omitting the fact sex is not only for reproduction but also for enjoyment.
Maybe the first thing we should learn about sex is that it is one of the favourite pastimes of adults. Preventing it from happening will only increase the likelihood of future generations engaging in it more, only with less knowledge about to how get the most out of it.
Some advice for sexual partners
[full text at the link above]
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Sunday, July 28, 2019
Friend or foe: How familiarity of the competition affects female intrasexual competition
Friend or foe: How familiarity of the competition affects female intrasexual competition. Ella R. Doss, Emily Sophia Olson, Carin Perilloux. Human Behavior and Evolution Society 31st annual meeting. Boston 2019. http://tiny.cc/aa1w6y
Abstract: Evolutionary psychologists have studied female intrasexual competition, but there has been little research investigating specific contextual factors that affect women’s degree of intrasexual competitiveness. In the current study, female MTurk users (N = 203) between the ages of 18 and 25 read a vignette describing an upcoming party and chose an outfit they would potentially wear to it. Within the vignette, we manipulated the presence of a male crush, the familiarity of a female party companion (close friend or acquaintance), and the relative attractiveness of the companion and measured the sexiness and revealingness of clothing choices. We calculated overall revealingness and sexiness scores for each outfit by averaging ratings obtained from a separate sample (N = 100). As predicted, women told to imagine attending the party with a close friend chose the same degree of revealing clothing, regardless if their crush would be present at the party or not. However, women asked to imagine attending the party with an acquaintance chose significantly more revealing clothing if a crush was present than absent. These findings indicate that women’s intrasexual competition mechanisms are complex and appear to take into account both familiarity of rivals and presence of potential mates.
Abstract: Evolutionary psychologists have studied female intrasexual competition, but there has been little research investigating specific contextual factors that affect women’s degree of intrasexual competitiveness. In the current study, female MTurk users (N = 203) between the ages of 18 and 25 read a vignette describing an upcoming party and chose an outfit they would potentially wear to it. Within the vignette, we manipulated the presence of a male crush, the familiarity of a female party companion (close friend or acquaintance), and the relative attractiveness of the companion and measured the sexiness and revealingness of clothing choices. We calculated overall revealingness and sexiness scores for each outfit by averaging ratings obtained from a separate sample (N = 100). As predicted, women told to imagine attending the party with a close friend chose the same degree of revealing clothing, regardless if their crush would be present at the party or not. However, women asked to imagine attending the party with an acquaintance chose significantly more revealing clothing if a crush was present than absent. These findings indicate that women’s intrasexual competition mechanisms are complex and appear to take into account both familiarity of rivals and presence of potential mates.
Taiwan, 1 mn siblings: Parental divorce occurring at ages 13-18 led to a 10.6 percent decrease in the likelihood of university admission; parental job loss occurring at the same ages have very little effect
Understanding the Mechanisms of Parental Divorce Effects on Child's Higher Education. Yen-Chien Chen, Elliott Fan, Jin-Tan Liu. NBER Working Paper No. 25886, May 2019. https://www.nber.org/papers/w25886?sy=886
Abstract: In this paper we evaluate the degree to which the adverse parental divorce effect on university education operates through deprivation of economic resources. Using one million siblings from Taiwan, we first find that parental divorce occurring at ages 13-18 led to a 10.6 percent decrease in the likelihood of university admission at age 18. We then use the same sample to estimate the effect of parental job loss occurring at the same ages, and use the job-loss effect as a benchmark to indicate the potential parental divorce effect due to family income loss. We find the job-loss effect very little. Combined, these results imply a minor role played by reduced income in driving the parental divorce effect on the child’s higher education outcome. Non-economic mechanisms, such as psychological and mental shocks, are more likely to dominate. Our further examinations show that boys and girls are equally susceptible, and younger teenagers are more vulnerable than the more mature ones, to parental divorce.
Abstract: In this paper we evaluate the degree to which the adverse parental divorce effect on university education operates through deprivation of economic resources. Using one million siblings from Taiwan, we first find that parental divorce occurring at ages 13-18 led to a 10.6 percent decrease in the likelihood of university admission at age 18. We then use the same sample to estimate the effect of parental job loss occurring at the same ages, and use the job-loss effect as a benchmark to indicate the potential parental divorce effect due to family income loss. We find the job-loss effect very little. Combined, these results imply a minor role played by reduced income in driving the parental divorce effect on the child’s higher education outcome. Non-economic mechanisms, such as psychological and mental shocks, are more likely to dominate. Our further examinations show that boys and girls are equally susceptible, and younger teenagers are more vulnerable than the more mature ones, to parental divorce.
Saturday, July 27, 2019
Intuitions on ownership: The Achuar speakers of Amazonian Ecuador and English speakers of the USA
Cross cultural intuitions on ownership. Ulises J Espinoza, H. Clark Barrett. Human Behavior and Evolution Society 31st annual meeting. Boston 2019. http://tiny.cc/aa1w6y
Abstract: Property and ownership claims and the array of ways in which they are operationalized comprise a large portion of our cognitive attention; on a day to day basis there is a need to know what to buy, sell, share, borrow, dispute over, and render away. Contemporary work in psychology suggests that intuitions of ownership emerge early in childhood, independently of acculturation; first possession claims to items by children as early as 9 months old. There remains much that is not yet known about the psychology of ownership and how it plays out in particular cultural settings. To evaluate how different possible domains considered to be owned are morally assessed, Achuar speakers from Amazonian Ecuador and English speakers from the United States were given a set of vignettes designed to assess how judgments of ownership depend on the type of resource in question, and how it came to be acquired. These vignettes were designed to be minimally culturally laden and of similar cross-cultural interest. Initial analyses of how domains of ownership are morally assessed are presented, emphasis being placed on rights, duties, and obligations of the (potential) owners across different domains of ownership.
Abstract: Property and ownership claims and the array of ways in which they are operationalized comprise a large portion of our cognitive attention; on a day to day basis there is a need to know what to buy, sell, share, borrow, dispute over, and render away. Contemporary work in psychology suggests that intuitions of ownership emerge early in childhood, independently of acculturation; first possession claims to items by children as early as 9 months old. There remains much that is not yet known about the psychology of ownership and how it plays out in particular cultural settings. To evaluate how different possible domains considered to be owned are morally assessed, Achuar speakers from Amazonian Ecuador and English speakers from the United States were given a set of vignettes designed to assess how judgments of ownership depend on the type of resource in question, and how it came to be acquired. These vignettes were designed to be minimally culturally laden and of similar cross-cultural interest. Initial analyses of how domains of ownership are morally assessed are presented, emphasis being placed on rights, duties, and obligations of the (potential) owners across different domains of ownership.
Female leadership in an egalitarian society (the Chuba of Ethiopia)
Female leadership in an egalitarian society. Zachary H. Garfield, Edward H. Hagen. Human Behavior and Evolution Society 31st annual meeting. Boston 2019. http://tiny.cc/aa1w6y
Abstract: Female leadership is receiving increased attention from researchers across the social and biological sciences, including evolutionary scholars. Very few studies, however, have systematically investigated female leadership or sex/gender differences in leadership among small-scale, gender-egalitarian societies. Evolutionary theories of leadership, which draw heavily on studies of contemporary hunter-gatherer and other small-scale societies, have proposed numerous traits that putatively characterize leaders in domains of sociality, productivity, reproduction, dominance, and cognition. We tested preregistered hypotheses and investigated many such traits among elected female leaders among the Chabu, an Ethiopian population of former hunter-gatherers who now subsist on hunting, gathering, horticulture, and cash crops. There were strong positive correlations among most traits, which, in turn, were positively associated with elected leader status among women. One clear exception to this pattern was dominance, which seemed to preclude women from leadership positions. Despite a history and relative persistence of egalitarianism, including gender-egalitarianism, Chabu women face constraints in their ability employ dominance-based leadership strategies that men do not, a pattern consistent with broader political institutions crossculturally, especially among Western societies. Revised evolutionary theories of leadership must account for the importance of women leaders and the strong covariation of traits.
Abstract: Female leadership is receiving increased attention from researchers across the social and biological sciences, including evolutionary scholars. Very few studies, however, have systematically investigated female leadership or sex/gender differences in leadership among small-scale, gender-egalitarian societies. Evolutionary theories of leadership, which draw heavily on studies of contemporary hunter-gatherer and other small-scale societies, have proposed numerous traits that putatively characterize leaders in domains of sociality, productivity, reproduction, dominance, and cognition. We tested preregistered hypotheses and investigated many such traits among elected female leaders among the Chabu, an Ethiopian population of former hunter-gatherers who now subsist on hunting, gathering, horticulture, and cash crops. There were strong positive correlations among most traits, which, in turn, were positively associated with elected leader status among women. One clear exception to this pattern was dominance, which seemed to preclude women from leadership positions. Despite a history and relative persistence of egalitarianism, including gender-egalitarianism, Chabu women face constraints in their ability employ dominance-based leadership strategies that men do not, a pattern consistent with broader political institutions crossculturally, especially among Western societies. Revised evolutionary theories of leadership must account for the importance of women leaders and the strong covariation of traits.
Friday, July 26, 2019
Germany: Sales of green cars continue to decline; the high-consumption SUVs and off-road vehicles again lead the new registration statistics with a 21pct increase in registration
New cars: Sales of green efficiency classes continue to decline. dena Press release, Berlin. Jul 25 2019. https://www.dena.de/newsroom/meldungen/2019/neuwagen-absatz-gruener-effizienzklassen-geht-weiter-zurueck
--------------Automatic translation by Google--------------
dena monitoring report: Trend towards SUVs and off-road vehicles continues uninterrupted / Average CO2 emissions increase
Despite the climate protection debate, low-emission passenger cars in the German new car market are not getting through enough to reduce CO 2 emissions in the automotive sector. The share of vehicles with the best efficiency ratings fell by around 5 percent in 2018, while the number of newly registered cars with a total of more than 3.4 million remained at the previous year's level. At the same time, the trend towards high-consumption SUVs and off-road vehicles continues unabated. These will lead to the new registration statistics in 2018 as well. This is one reason why the average CO 2 emissions of newly registered passenger cars increased by almost 2 percent. This continues the negative development in CO 2 emissions and the distribution of CO 2 efficiency classes. These are the main findings of the dena monitoring report on the development of new registrations of CO 2 -efficient passenger cars in 2018.
"In the midst of an intensely conducted social debate on climate protection, we note that sales of green efficiency classes are falling and that the average CO 2 emissions of new cars continue to increase. That should make politics, manufacturers and consumers think and be a wake-up call, "says Andreas Kuhlmann, chairman of dena's management. "In order to achieve climate protection goals in transport, framework conditions must be created urgently, which make the purchase of low-emission and emission-free vehicles attractive. At the same time, the trend towards high-consumption vehicles must be counteracted. Coupling company car taxation and the private purchase of passenger cars with their CO 2 emissions can be an effective step in this direction. However, this system should be revenue-neutral, possibly through the inclusion of bonus-penalty schemes. Also, fuels should be taxed more heavily depending on their CO 2 intensity. Because the low-consumption vehicles that are new to the market today are also a guarantee for the affordable individual mobility of the future. "
Share of energy-efficient cars drops below 70 percent
In 2018, only 69 percent of all newly registered cars belonged to one of the green efficiency classes (A +, A, B). In 2017 there were still 72.8 percent and in 2016 still 74.4 percent. The examination of new registrations by segment confirms the negative trend: in 2017, the efficiency classes A +, A and B still accounted for more than 80 percent of five segments. By 2018, the share of the hyper-midsize segment was highest at 76 percent, followed by the middle class at 71.9 percent and the upper middle class at 71.6 percent.
SUVs achieve the highest increase with 21 percent
Together, the high-consumption SUVs and off-road vehicles again lead the new registration statistics. SUVs achieve the highest increase with 21 percent, off-road vehicles only two percent. In the compact car category, the negative trend continues with a decline of another 5.9 percent (755,498 cars, down from 47,501 units compared to 2017).
CO 2 emissions and consumption: significant increase compared to the previous year
In total, newly registered passenger cars in 2018 consumed 5.7 liters of gasoline or 5.1 liters of diesel per 100 kilometers, according to the New European Driving Cycle (NEDC). Thus, the average CO 2 emissions of newly registered passenger cars increased by 1.9 percent to 130.3 g CO 2 / km (2017: 127.9 g CO 2 / km). One reason for this is the high number of registrations of SUVs and off-road vehicles, which average 134.3 g CO 2 / km (2017: 133.2 g CO 2 / km) and 163.1 g CO 2 / km (2017: 159 , 2 g CO 2 / km) emitted. In addition, since 1 September 2018, the NEDC values have been recalculated from the new WLTP test procedure, leading on average to increased values. The average CO 2 emissions of German new registrations, at 9.9 g CO 2 / km, once again exceed the European fleet average of 120.4 g CO 2 / km.
Trend continues in 2019
In the first five months of 2019, the segment of SUVs and off-road vehicles grew again by 17.5 or 12.7 percent. In the pan-European mix, an average emissions value of the new vehicle fleet of 95 g CO 2 / km is to be achieved in 2020. This would correspond to an average consumption of 3.6 liters of diesel or 4.1 liters of gas per 100 kilometers. In view of the increasing popularity of emission-intensive vehicles, this goal is hardly achievable, according to dena, without changing the political framework conditions and corresponding sales strategies of the manufacturers.
The monitoring report "Development of new registrations of CO 2 -efficient passenger cars 2018" was prepared by the dena initiative "Information platform car label". The basis was the current car registration data from the Federal Motor Transport Authority (KBA). The fuel consumption was calculated according to the measurement cycle NEDC. The information platform Passenger Car Label is funded by the Federal Ministry for Economic Affairs and Energy.
After switching to the new WLTP test cycle in September 2018, around 12 percent of the vehicles (407,263 cars without RVs) could not be assigned to any efficiency class. According to Kraftfahrt-Bundesamt, however, these deficits have no significant influence on the average CO 2 emissions. This effect was taken into account when calculating the figures for energy efficiency classes.
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Full text & charts in the link above
--------------Automatic translation by Google--------------
dena monitoring report: Trend towards SUVs and off-road vehicles continues uninterrupted / Average CO2 emissions increase
Despite the climate protection debate, low-emission passenger cars in the German new car market are not getting through enough to reduce CO 2 emissions in the automotive sector. The share of vehicles with the best efficiency ratings fell by around 5 percent in 2018, while the number of newly registered cars with a total of more than 3.4 million remained at the previous year's level. At the same time, the trend towards high-consumption SUVs and off-road vehicles continues unabated. These will lead to the new registration statistics in 2018 as well. This is one reason why the average CO 2 emissions of newly registered passenger cars increased by almost 2 percent. This continues the negative development in CO 2 emissions and the distribution of CO 2 efficiency classes. These are the main findings of the dena monitoring report on the development of new registrations of CO 2 -efficient passenger cars in 2018.
"In the midst of an intensely conducted social debate on climate protection, we note that sales of green efficiency classes are falling and that the average CO 2 emissions of new cars continue to increase. That should make politics, manufacturers and consumers think and be a wake-up call, "says Andreas Kuhlmann, chairman of dena's management. "In order to achieve climate protection goals in transport, framework conditions must be created urgently, which make the purchase of low-emission and emission-free vehicles attractive. At the same time, the trend towards high-consumption vehicles must be counteracted. Coupling company car taxation and the private purchase of passenger cars with their CO 2 emissions can be an effective step in this direction. However, this system should be revenue-neutral, possibly through the inclusion of bonus-penalty schemes. Also, fuels should be taxed more heavily depending on their CO 2 intensity. Because the low-consumption vehicles that are new to the market today are also a guarantee for the affordable individual mobility of the future. "
Share of energy-efficient cars drops below 70 percent
In 2018, only 69 percent of all newly registered cars belonged to one of the green efficiency classes (A +, A, B). In 2017 there were still 72.8 percent and in 2016 still 74.4 percent. The examination of new registrations by segment confirms the negative trend: in 2017, the efficiency classes A +, A and B still accounted for more than 80 percent of five segments. By 2018, the share of the hyper-midsize segment was highest at 76 percent, followed by the middle class at 71.9 percent and the upper middle class at 71.6 percent.
SUVs achieve the highest increase with 21 percent
Together, the high-consumption SUVs and off-road vehicles again lead the new registration statistics. SUVs achieve the highest increase with 21 percent, off-road vehicles only two percent. In the compact car category, the negative trend continues with a decline of another 5.9 percent (755,498 cars, down from 47,501 units compared to 2017).
CO 2 emissions and consumption: significant increase compared to the previous year
In total, newly registered passenger cars in 2018 consumed 5.7 liters of gasoline or 5.1 liters of diesel per 100 kilometers, according to the New European Driving Cycle (NEDC). Thus, the average CO 2 emissions of newly registered passenger cars increased by 1.9 percent to 130.3 g CO 2 / km (2017: 127.9 g CO 2 / km). One reason for this is the high number of registrations of SUVs and off-road vehicles, which average 134.3 g CO 2 / km (2017: 133.2 g CO 2 / km) and 163.1 g CO 2 / km (2017: 159 , 2 g CO 2 / km) emitted. In addition, since 1 September 2018, the NEDC values have been recalculated from the new WLTP test procedure, leading on average to increased values. The average CO 2 emissions of German new registrations, at 9.9 g CO 2 / km, once again exceed the European fleet average of 120.4 g CO 2 / km.
Trend continues in 2019
In the first five months of 2019, the segment of SUVs and off-road vehicles grew again by 17.5 or 12.7 percent. In the pan-European mix, an average emissions value of the new vehicle fleet of 95 g CO 2 / km is to be achieved in 2020. This would correspond to an average consumption of 3.6 liters of diesel or 4.1 liters of gas per 100 kilometers. In view of the increasing popularity of emission-intensive vehicles, this goal is hardly achievable, according to dena, without changing the political framework conditions and corresponding sales strategies of the manufacturers.
The monitoring report "Development of new registrations of CO 2 -efficient passenger cars 2018" was prepared by the dena initiative "Information platform car label". The basis was the current car registration data from the Federal Motor Transport Authority (KBA). The fuel consumption was calculated according to the measurement cycle NEDC. The information platform Passenger Car Label is funded by the Federal Ministry for Economic Affairs and Energy.
After switching to the new WLTP test cycle in September 2018, around 12 percent of the vehicles (407,263 cars without RVs) could not be assigned to any efficiency class. According to Kraftfahrt-Bundesamt, however, these deficits have no significant influence on the average CO 2 emissions. This effect was taken into account when calculating the figures for energy efficiency classes.
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Full text & charts in the link above
Cognitive Behavioral Analysis System of Psychotherapy lost its superiority over Supportive Psychotherapy after two years
Two-Year Follow-Up after Treatment with the Cognitive Behavioral Analysis System of Psychotherapy versus Supportive Psychotherapy for Early-Onset Chronic Depression. E
Schramm et al. Psychother Psychosom 2019;88:154–164. https://doi.org/10.1159/000500189
Abstract
Background: Evidence on the long-term efficacy of psychotherapeutic approaches for chronic depression is scarce.
Objective: To evaluate the effects of the Cognitive Behavioral Analysis System of Psychotherapy (CBASP) compared to Supportive Psychotherapy (SP) 1 year and 2 years after treatment termination.
Methods: In this study, we present 1- and 2-year follow-up assessments of a prospective, multicenter, evaluator-blinded, randomized clinical trial of outpatients with early-onset chronic major depression (n = 268). The initial treatment included 32 sessions of CBASP or SP over 48 weeks. The primary outcome was the rate of “well weeks” (Longitudinal Interval Follow-Up Evaluation; no/minimal symptoms) after 1 year and 2 years. The secondary outcomes were, among others, clinician- and self-rated depressive symptoms, response/remission rates, and quality of life.
Results: Of the 268 randomized patients, 207 (77%) participated in the follow-up. In the intention-to-treat analysis, there was no statistically significant difference between CBASP and SP patients in experiencing well weeks (CBASP: mean [SD] of 48.6 [36.9] weeks; SP: 39.0 [34.8]; rate ratio 1.26, 95% CI 0.99–1.59, p = 0.057, d = 0.18) and in remission rates (CBASP: 1 year 40%, 2 years 40.2%; SP: 1 year 28.9%, 2 years 33%) in the 2 years after treatment. Statistically significant effects were found in favor of CBASP 1 year after treatment termination regarding the rate of well weeks, self-rated depressive symptoms, and depression-related quality of life.
Conclusions: CBASP lost its superiority over SP at some point between the first and the second year. This suggests the necessity of maintenance treatment for early-onset chronically depressed patients remitted with CBASP during the acute therapy phase, as well as the sequential integration of other treatment strategies, including medication for those who did not reach remission.
Keywords: Chronic depressionPsychotherapyRandomized controlled trialFollow-upCognitive Behavioral Analysis System of Psychotherapy
Schramm et al. Psychother Psychosom 2019;88:154–164. https://doi.org/10.1159/000500189
Abstract
Background: Evidence on the long-term efficacy of psychotherapeutic approaches for chronic depression is scarce.
Objective: To evaluate the effects of the Cognitive Behavioral Analysis System of Psychotherapy (CBASP) compared to Supportive Psychotherapy (SP) 1 year and 2 years after treatment termination.
Methods: In this study, we present 1- and 2-year follow-up assessments of a prospective, multicenter, evaluator-blinded, randomized clinical trial of outpatients with early-onset chronic major depression (n = 268). The initial treatment included 32 sessions of CBASP or SP over 48 weeks. The primary outcome was the rate of “well weeks” (Longitudinal Interval Follow-Up Evaluation; no/minimal symptoms) after 1 year and 2 years. The secondary outcomes were, among others, clinician- and self-rated depressive symptoms, response/remission rates, and quality of life.
Results: Of the 268 randomized patients, 207 (77%) participated in the follow-up. In the intention-to-treat analysis, there was no statistically significant difference between CBASP and SP patients in experiencing well weeks (CBASP: mean [SD] of 48.6 [36.9] weeks; SP: 39.0 [34.8]; rate ratio 1.26, 95% CI 0.99–1.59, p = 0.057, d = 0.18) and in remission rates (CBASP: 1 year 40%, 2 years 40.2%; SP: 1 year 28.9%, 2 years 33%) in the 2 years after treatment. Statistically significant effects were found in favor of CBASP 1 year after treatment termination regarding the rate of well weeks, self-rated depressive symptoms, and depression-related quality of life.
Conclusions: CBASP lost its superiority over SP at some point between the first and the second year. This suggests the necessity of maintenance treatment for early-onset chronically depressed patients remitted with CBASP during the acute therapy phase, as well as the sequential integration of other treatment strategies, including medication for those who did not reach remission.
Keywords: Chronic depressionPsychotherapyRandomized controlled trialFollow-upCognitive Behavioral Analysis System of Psychotherapy
Children of gay fathers received significantly lower scores on internalizing (anxiety, depression) & externalizing (aggression, rule-breaking); daughters had significantly lower internalizing scores
Green, R.-J., Rubio, R. J., Rothblum, E. D., Bergman, K., & Katuzny, K. E. (2019). Gay fathers by surrogacy: Prejudice, parenting, and well-being of female and male children. Psychology of Sexual Orientation and Gender Diversity, 6(3), 269-283. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/sgd0000325
Abstract: This research focused on behavioral functioning of children conceived via gestational surrogacy and raised by gay fathers. Gay fathers from 68 families with children aged 3–10 years completed the Achenbach Child Behavior Checklist. Their scores were compared to those from a normative sample of parents matched for parent’s occupation and children’s gender, age, and race/ethnicity. Children of gay fathers received significantly lower scores on internalizing (anxiety, depression) and externalizing (aggression, rule-breaking) than children in the comparison sample. Most notably, daughters of gay fathers had significantly lower internalizing scores than did daughters in the national database. Gay fathers also completed measures of parenting styles, social support, and perceived prejudice. Fathers who reported less authoritarian or permissive parenting, more positive coparenting, and more social support from friends had children with fewer behavior problems. Gay fathers’ reports of family members receiving higher levels of antigay microaggressions were associated with parents’ greater stigma consciousness, more anger/aggression from spouse/partner, and less positive parenting and coparenting. Results are discussed in terms of gay and heterosexual parents’ gender-related socialization of daughters’ internalizing problems and the impact of minority stress on same-sex couples’ parenting.
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Why would same-sex parents have children whose behavioral functioning is sometimes better than the functioning of heterosexual parents’ children? One possible reason is that male-male and female-female parents who have children in the context of a same-sex relationship do not get pregnant by accident. By contrast, surveys of women in the general population indicate that 45% of pregnancies in the United States are unintended (this includes pregnancies that are terminated; Finer & Zolna, 2016). Obviously, many unintended pregnancies of heterosexual parents result in children who are very much loved and nurtured; however, many other such children remain unwanted. By contrast, in the case of same-sex parents, having children via surrogacy always involves extensive effort, planning, and very high financial costs. These children are very much wanted. Thus, a group of gay fathers via surrogacy may start out with a higher level of planning ability and greater commitment to having children than a normative group of parents in the general population may have, which in turn could contribute to these gay fathers’ better parenting and better child outcomes overall.
Our results were mostly consistent with the second hypothesis—that positive couple interaction and more effective parenting styles would be associated with more positive functioning among children. These findings indicate that gay fathers who report utilizing more permissive or authoritarian styles of parenting—and who engage in less positive coparenting—have children with more internalizing and externalizing problems. These results are similar to findings from studies of different-sex parents who use more authoritarian and permissive parenting styles and have less positive coparenting (cf. Darling, 1999; and McHale & Lindahl, 2011 for reviews). In this regard, the determinants of child outcomes seem similar in many different types of families. The processes and quality of parenting appear to be more important to children’s well-being than does a family’s composition (whether the family is headed by same-sex male or female coparents, single parents, stepparents, grandparents, etc.).
Abstract: This research focused on behavioral functioning of children conceived via gestational surrogacy and raised by gay fathers. Gay fathers from 68 families with children aged 3–10 years completed the Achenbach Child Behavior Checklist. Their scores were compared to those from a normative sample of parents matched for parent’s occupation and children’s gender, age, and race/ethnicity. Children of gay fathers received significantly lower scores on internalizing (anxiety, depression) and externalizing (aggression, rule-breaking) than children in the comparison sample. Most notably, daughters of gay fathers had significantly lower internalizing scores than did daughters in the national database. Gay fathers also completed measures of parenting styles, social support, and perceived prejudice. Fathers who reported less authoritarian or permissive parenting, more positive coparenting, and more social support from friends had children with fewer behavior problems. Gay fathers’ reports of family members receiving higher levels of antigay microaggressions were associated with parents’ greater stigma consciousness, more anger/aggression from spouse/partner, and less positive parenting and coparenting. Results are discussed in terms of gay and heterosexual parents’ gender-related socialization of daughters’ internalizing problems and the impact of minority stress on same-sex couples’ parenting.
Why would same-sex parents have children whose behavioral functioning is sometimes better than the functioning of heterosexual parents’ children? One possible reason is that male-male and female-female parents who have children in the context of a same-sex relationship do not get pregnant by accident. By contrast, surveys of women in the general population indicate that 45% of pregnancies in the United States are unintended (this includes pregnancies that are terminated; Finer & Zolna, 2016). Obviously, many unintended pregnancies of heterosexual parents result in children who are very much loved and nurtured; however, many other such children remain unwanted. By contrast, in the case of same-sex parents, having children via surrogacy always involves extensive effort, planning, and very high financial costs. These children are very much wanted. Thus, a group of gay fathers via surrogacy may start out with a higher level of planning ability and greater commitment to having children than a normative group of parents in the general population may have, which in turn could contribute to these gay fathers’ better parenting and better child outcomes overall.
Our results were mostly consistent with the second hypothesis—that positive couple interaction and more effective parenting styles would be associated with more positive functioning among children. These findings indicate that gay fathers who report utilizing more permissive or authoritarian styles of parenting—and who engage in less positive coparenting—have children with more internalizing and externalizing problems. These results are similar to findings from studies of different-sex parents who use more authoritarian and permissive parenting styles and have less positive coparenting (cf. Darling, 1999; and McHale & Lindahl, 2011 for reviews). In this regard, the determinants of child outcomes seem similar in many different types of families. The processes and quality of parenting appear to be more important to children’s well-being than does a family’s composition (whether the family is headed by same-sex male or female coparents, single parents, stepparents, grandparents, etc.).
Are people who create or consume art more prosocial (e.g., more likely to volunteer and make charitable donations)? It seems they are.
Kou, X., Konrath, S., & Goldstein, T. R. (2019). The relationship among different types of arts engagement, empathy, and prosocial behavior. Psychology of Aesthetics, Creativity, and the Arts, http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/aca0000269
Abstract: The arts have long been promoted as helping people learn and care about situations and people other than themselves. However, large-scale research on this question is sparse. The current paper uses four national datasets to examine how arts engagement is associated with prosocial traits and behaviors. We ask the following: Are people who create or consume art more prosocial (e.g., more likely to volunteer and make charitable donations)? Does this depend upon art genre (visual arts, performing arts, or literature)? Does engaging in the arts at one time predict prosocial behavior 7 years later? And vice versa? We include sociodemographic and health controls to rule out confounds. To date, this is the most comprehensive investigation of how arts engagement is associated with prosocial behavior, and has implications for theory and practice.
Abstract: The arts have long been promoted as helping people learn and care about situations and people other than themselves. However, large-scale research on this question is sparse. The current paper uses four national datasets to examine how arts engagement is associated with prosocial traits and behaviors. We ask the following: Are people who create or consume art more prosocial (e.g., more likely to volunteer and make charitable donations)? Does this depend upon art genre (visual arts, performing arts, or literature)? Does engaging in the arts at one time predict prosocial behavior 7 years later? And vice versa? We include sociodemographic and health controls to rule out confounds. To date, this is the most comprehensive investigation of how arts engagement is associated with prosocial behavior, and has implications for theory and practice.
Found a preference for more trustworthy-looking faces when participants considered a long-term versus a short-term relationship; social anxiety correlated positively with trustworthiness preferences
Carrito, M. L., Santos, I. M., Bem-Haja, P., Lopes, A. A., Silva, C. F., & Perrett, D. I. (2019). The attractive side of trustworthiness: Effects of relationship context and social interaction anxiety on face preferences. Evolutionary Behavioral Sciences, http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/ebs0000177
Abstract: Previous studies have highlighted the influence of conditional mating strategies in attractiveness preferences. “Good genes” and dominance cues are perceived as attractive when considering short-term relationships. In contrast, cues for better parenting abilities and trustworthiness are considered more attractive when participants ponder a long-term relationship. We investigated women’s and men’s attractiveness preferences in other-sex faces that were structurally altered along a continuum of apparent trustworthiness. Faces were adjusted in shape toward the perceived trustworthy–untrustworthy extremes defined on the basis of previously created prototypes. We anticipated that perceived trustworthiness would be more important for long-term than short-term relationships because of the greater costs of exploitation. Also, we explored individual differences in preferences, anticipating that participants with high social interaction anxiety would prefer more trustworthy-looking faces. As expected, we found a preference for more trustworthy-looking faces when participants considered a long-term versus a short-term relationship. Social interaction anxiety correlated positively with trustworthiness preferences, probably reflecting an avoidance response in anxious individuals, induced by untrustworthy cues. Collectively, these findings constitute novel evidence of the influence of individual differences in mate choice–relevant face preferences.
Abstract: Previous studies have highlighted the influence of conditional mating strategies in attractiveness preferences. “Good genes” and dominance cues are perceived as attractive when considering short-term relationships. In contrast, cues for better parenting abilities and trustworthiness are considered more attractive when participants ponder a long-term relationship. We investigated women’s and men’s attractiveness preferences in other-sex faces that were structurally altered along a continuum of apparent trustworthiness. Faces were adjusted in shape toward the perceived trustworthy–untrustworthy extremes defined on the basis of previously created prototypes. We anticipated that perceived trustworthiness would be more important for long-term than short-term relationships because of the greater costs of exploitation. Also, we explored individual differences in preferences, anticipating that participants with high social interaction anxiety would prefer more trustworthy-looking faces. As expected, we found a preference for more trustworthy-looking faces when participants considered a long-term versus a short-term relationship. Social interaction anxiety correlated positively with trustworthiness preferences, probably reflecting an avoidance response in anxious individuals, induced by untrustworthy cues. Collectively, these findings constitute novel evidence of the influence of individual differences in mate choice–relevant face preferences.
Brain regions in response to character feedback associated with the state self-esteem
Brain regions in response to character feedback associated with the state self-esteem. Maoying Peng et al. Biological Psychology, July 25 2019, 107734. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biopsycho.2019.107734
Highlights
• We found that participants reported higher state self-esteem following the character feedback irrespective of valence, compared with the appearance feedback.
• And the dorsal striatum was more activated in response to SCP and the lateral prefrontal cortex was more activated in response to the SCN compared to the appearance feedback.
• Moreover, the activation of dorsal striatum was significantly correlated with the difference scores of people’s reported state self-esteem after receiving SCP versus SAP, and the activation of LPFC was significantly correlated with the difference scores of people’s reported state self-esteem after receiving SCN versus SAN.
Abstract: Research on the Sociometer theory of self-esteem have demonstrated that manipulations of interpersonal appraisal reliably influence an individual’s state self-esteem and that state levels of self-esteem correlate very highly with perceived acceptance and rejection. However, how social feedback from different sources (e.g., appearance vs. character) affect the state self-esteem and its neural underpinnings have not been explored. To address this, participants underwent functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) while viewing either appearance-related feedback words or character-related feedback words, and for each feedback word, they were asked to rate their state self-esteem. Results showed that participants reported a higher state self-esteem following character feedback, irrespective of valence, than that following appearance feedback. Moreover, fMRI results demonstrated that the left caudate tail was more activated in response to positive character feedback and the lateral prefrontal cortex (LPFC), dorsal anterior cingulate, posterior cingulate, and precuneus were more activated in response to negative character feedback than in response to appearance feedback. Moreover, activation of the left caudate tail was significantly correlated with the difference in participant’s reported state self-esteem scores after receiving positive character feedback versus that after receiving positive appearance feedback. Further, activation of the LPFC was significantly correlated with a difference in participant’s reported state self-esteem scores after receiving negative character feedback versus that after receiving negative appearance feedback. These findings suggest a reward-related mechanism when processing positive social feedback and a self-critical processing when processing the negative social feedback on an important aspect of self-concept (e.g., character-related).
Keywords: state self-esteemcharacter feedbackappearance feedbackfMRIcaudatelateral prefrontal cortex
Highlights
• We found that participants reported higher state self-esteem following the character feedback irrespective of valence, compared with the appearance feedback.
• And the dorsal striatum was more activated in response to SCP and the lateral prefrontal cortex was more activated in response to the SCN compared to the appearance feedback.
• Moreover, the activation of dorsal striatum was significantly correlated with the difference scores of people’s reported state self-esteem after receiving SCP versus SAP, and the activation of LPFC was significantly correlated with the difference scores of people’s reported state self-esteem after receiving SCN versus SAN.
Abstract: Research on the Sociometer theory of self-esteem have demonstrated that manipulations of interpersonal appraisal reliably influence an individual’s state self-esteem and that state levels of self-esteem correlate very highly with perceived acceptance and rejection. However, how social feedback from different sources (e.g., appearance vs. character) affect the state self-esteem and its neural underpinnings have not been explored. To address this, participants underwent functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) while viewing either appearance-related feedback words or character-related feedback words, and for each feedback word, they were asked to rate their state self-esteem. Results showed that participants reported a higher state self-esteem following character feedback, irrespective of valence, than that following appearance feedback. Moreover, fMRI results demonstrated that the left caudate tail was more activated in response to positive character feedback and the lateral prefrontal cortex (LPFC), dorsal anterior cingulate, posterior cingulate, and precuneus were more activated in response to negative character feedback than in response to appearance feedback. Moreover, activation of the left caudate tail was significantly correlated with the difference in participant’s reported state self-esteem scores after receiving positive character feedback versus that after receiving positive appearance feedback. Further, activation of the LPFC was significantly correlated with a difference in participant’s reported state self-esteem scores after receiving negative character feedback versus that after receiving negative appearance feedback. These findings suggest a reward-related mechanism when processing positive social feedback and a self-critical processing when processing the negative social feedback on an important aspect of self-concept (e.g., character-related).
Keywords: state self-esteemcharacter feedbackappearance feedbackfMRIcaudatelateral prefrontal cortex
The More You Have, the More You Want? Higher Social Class Predicts a Greater Desire for Wealth and Status
The More You Have, the More You Want? Higher Social Class Predicts a Greater Desire for Wealth and Status. Zhechen Wang Jolanda Jetten Niklas K. Steffens. European Journal of Social Psychology, July 25 2019. https://doi.org/10.1002/ejsp.2620
Abstract: Traditional theories have focused on the intentions of lower‐class individuals to climb on the social ladder, yet they have paid relatively little attention to the motivations of upper‐class individuals to ascend even higher. Addressing this issue, Studies 1 and 2 provided cross‐national evidence that higher social class is associated with a greater desire for wealth and status. Moreover, by manipulating perceived social class, Studies 3 and 5 experimentally confirmed that compared to people in the lower‐class group, those in the upper‐class group express a stronger desire for wealth and status. Furthermore, in line with self‐categorization theory predictions, Studies 3‐5 showed that upper‐class individuals tend to see and use wealth and status as important attributes in defining and categorizing self, and such tendency explains the effect of social class on desire for wealth and status. Together, our findings demonstrate a “having more—wanting more” relationship, and its consequences are further discussed.
Abstract: Traditional theories have focused on the intentions of lower‐class individuals to climb on the social ladder, yet they have paid relatively little attention to the motivations of upper‐class individuals to ascend even higher. Addressing this issue, Studies 1 and 2 provided cross‐national evidence that higher social class is associated with a greater desire for wealth and status. Moreover, by manipulating perceived social class, Studies 3 and 5 experimentally confirmed that compared to people in the lower‐class group, those in the upper‐class group express a stronger desire for wealth and status. Furthermore, in line with self‐categorization theory predictions, Studies 3‐5 showed that upper‐class individuals tend to see and use wealth and status as important attributes in defining and categorizing self, and such tendency explains the effect of social class on desire for wealth and status. Together, our findings demonstrate a “having more—wanting more” relationship, and its consequences are further discussed.
Thursday, July 25, 2019
General belief superiority (GBS)—the tendency for people to think their beliefs are superior to alternatives— is mostly a male phenomenon
General belief superiority (GBS): Personality, motivation, and interpersonal relations. Kaitlin T. Raimi & Katrina P. Jongman-Sereno. Self and Identity, Jul 24 2019. https://doi.org/10.1080/15298868.2019.1640785
ABSTRACT: This paper introduces general belief superiority (GBS)—the tendency for people to think their beliefs are superior to alternatives—and investigates its personological, motivational, and interpersonal features. Across four studies of US residents, a new GBS Scale found that GBS was related to how people process information, think about their attitudes, compare themselves to others, and interact during conflicts. GBS correlated with various existing constructs (e.g., social vigilantism, narcissism), but was unrelated to others (e.g., selfishness). Study 2 established test-retest reliability and found that the belief superior have negative thoughts about controversial topics and are more likely to share opinions online. Study 3 found GBS predicted maladaptive reactions to conflicts with romantic partners. Gender differences and self-enhancement motivations in belief superiority are discussed.
KEYWORDS: Belief superiority, social vigilantism, self-enhancement, relationships, gender differences
ABSTRACT: This paper introduces general belief superiority (GBS)—the tendency for people to think their beliefs are superior to alternatives—and investigates its personological, motivational, and interpersonal features. Across four studies of US residents, a new GBS Scale found that GBS was related to how people process information, think about their attitudes, compare themselves to others, and interact during conflicts. GBS correlated with various existing constructs (e.g., social vigilantism, narcissism), but was unrelated to others (e.g., selfishness). Study 2 established test-retest reliability and found that the belief superior have negative thoughts about controversial topics and are more likely to share opinions online. Study 3 found GBS predicted maladaptive reactions to conflicts with romantic partners. Gender differences and self-enhancement motivations in belief superiority are discussed.
KEYWORDS: Belief superiority, social vigilantism, self-enhancement, relationships, gender differences
Perpetrators of discrimination are held less accountable and often seen as less worthy of punishment when their behavior is attributed to implicit rather than to explicit bias
Consequences of attributing discrimination to implicit vs. explicit bias. Natalie M. Daumeyer et al. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, Volume 84, September 2019, 103812. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2019.04.010
Abstract: Implicit bias has garnered considerable public attention, with a number of behaviors (e.g., police shootings) attributed to it. Here, we present the results of 4 studies and an internal meta-analysis that examine how people reason about discrimination based on whether it was attributed to the implicit or explicit attitudes of the perpetrators. Participants' perceptions of perpetrator accountability, support for punishment, level of concern about the bias, and support for various efforts to reduce it (e.g., education) were assessed. Taken together, the results suggest that perpetrators of discrimination are held less accountable and often seen as less worthy of punishment when their behavior is attributed to implicit rather than to explicit bias. Moreover, at least under some circumstances, people express less concern about, and are less likely to support efforts to combat, implicit compared with explicit bias. Implications for efforts to communicate the science of implicit bias without undermining accountability for the discrimination it engenders are discussed.
Keywords: Implicit biasBias attributionAccountabilityScience communication
Abstract: Implicit bias has garnered considerable public attention, with a number of behaviors (e.g., police shootings) attributed to it. Here, we present the results of 4 studies and an internal meta-analysis that examine how people reason about discrimination based on whether it was attributed to the implicit or explicit attitudes of the perpetrators. Participants' perceptions of perpetrator accountability, support for punishment, level of concern about the bias, and support for various efforts to reduce it (e.g., education) were assessed. Taken together, the results suggest that perpetrators of discrimination are held less accountable and often seen as less worthy of punishment when their behavior is attributed to implicit rather than to explicit bias. Moreover, at least under some circumstances, people express less concern about, and are less likely to support efforts to combat, implicit compared with explicit bias. Implications for efforts to communicate the science of implicit bias without undermining accountability for the discrimination it engenders are discussed.
Keywords: Implicit biasBias attributionAccountabilityScience communication
The Terrifying Rise of Authoritarian Populism
The Terrifying Rise of Authoritarian Populism. Tom G. Palmer. Cato, Jul 24 2019. https://www.cato.org/publications/commentary/terrifying-rise-authoritarian-populism
This article appeared in the September 2019 Issue of Reason.
Governments described as populist are now in power in Poland, Hungary, Mexico, and Turkey. Italy and Greece are governed by multiparty populist coalitions, while populists of the left or right are partners in coalition governments in seven other European Union countries. Venezuela is in free fall thanks to the confiscationist policies of a populist government. Brazil has an outspoken populist president. And the ongoing Trumpist takeover of the Republican Party isn’t just a populist spectacle in itself; it has also helped fuel a surge of left-wing populism among the Democrats. Those movements espouse a variety of programs across a wide range of political landscapes. What do they have in common?
Historians and political scientists have argued for decades about what exactly populism is, and they haven’t always come to the same conclusions. The political theorist Isaiah Berlin warned in 1967 that “a single formula to cover all populisms everywhere will not be very helpful. The more embracing the formula, the less descriptive. The more richly descriptive the formula, the more it will exclude.” Nonetheless, Berlin identified a core populist idea: the notion that an authentic “true people” have been “damaged by an elite, whether economic, political, or racial, some kind of secret or open enemy.”
The exact nature of that enemy—“foreign or native, ethnic or social”—doesn’t matter, Berlin adds. What fuels populist politics is that concept of the people battling the elite.
The Princeton political scientist Jan-Werner Müller proposes another characteristic: “In addition to being antielitist, populists are always antipluralist,” he argues in 2016’s What Is Populism? (University of Pennsylvania Press). “Populists claim that they, and they alone, represent the people.” In that formulation, the key to understanding populism is that “the people” does not include all the people. It excludes “the enemies of the people,” who may be specified in various ways: foreigners, the press, minorities, financiers, the “1 percent,” or others seen as not being “us.”
Donald Trump casually expressed that concept while running for president, declaring: “The only important thing is the unification of the people, because the other people don’t mean anything.” During the Brexit campaign, Nigel Farage, then-leader of the United Kingdom Independence Party, predicted “a victory for real people.” Apparently, those who voted against Brexit didn’t just lose; they weren’t real people to begin with.
Not every formulation of populism looks like that. The historian Walter Nugent, for example, argued in 1963’s The Tolerant Populists that America’s historical Populist Party was no more anti-pluralist than its opponents. In Populism’s Power, released the same year as Müller’s book, the Wellesley political scientist Laura Grattan offered a definition of populism that has room for pluralist, inclusive movements. But it is the Berlin-Müller brand of populism that is currently surging in Ankara, Budapest, and Washington, threatening individual liberty, free markets, the rule of law, constitutionalism, the free press, and liberal democracy.
The policies promoted by those governments vary, but they reject two related ideas. One is pluralism, the idea that people are variegated, with different interests and values that need to be negotiated through democratic political processes. The other is liberalism—not in the narrow American sense of the political center-left, but the broader belief that individuals have rights and the state’s power should be limited to protect those rights.
Populists can be “of the left,” but they need not be motivated by Marxian ideas of class conflict or central planning. They can be “of the right,” but they are distinctly different from old-school reactionaries who yearn for a lost world of ordered hierarchies; if anything, they tend to dissolve old-fashioned classes and social orders into the undifferentiated mass of The People. Or they can reject the left/right spectrum altogether. As the French populist leader Marine Le Pen put it in 2015, “Now the split isn’t between the left and the right but between the globalists and the patriots.”
Populists frequently believe that the true will of the authentic people is focused in one leader. Hugo Chávez, Venezuela’s late populist president, put it bluntly: “Chávez is no longer me! Chávez is a people! Chávez—we are millions. You are also Chávez! Venezuelan woman, you are also Chávez! Young Venezuelan, you are Chávez! Venezuelan child, you are Chávez! Venezuelan soldier, you are Chávez! Fisherman, farmer, peasant, merchant! Because Chávez is not me. Chávez is a people!” Turkey’s leader, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, once responded to a lone opposition voice by thundering, “We are the people! Who are you?” And then there’s Donald Trump’s less dramatic declaration that “I am your voice!”
Populists may seek power by democratic means, but that does not make them liberal. They often campaign against limits on the power of the people, especially independent judiciaries and other checks on the executive. Populists can be socialist or nationalist or both, they can be “pro-business” (crony capitalist) or “pro-labor” (crony unionist), but they share the idea that society must be put under some sort of control, exercised by a leader or a party that represents the true people and is fighting against their enemies.
The Children of Carl Schmitt
Antagonism, thus, is foundational to the populist mentality. And the central theorist of antagonism was Carl Schmitt, a German philosopher of the Nazi era—he is sometimes called the “crown jurist of the Third Reich”—who has had a strong influence on both the hard left and the hard right.
In The Concept of the Political (1932), a relentless critique of classical liberalism and constitutional democracy, Schmitt sought to displace the ideal of voluntary cooperation with the idea of conflict. The “specific political distinction to which political actions and motives can be reduced,” Schmitt wrote, “is that between friend and enemy.” The contemporary theorists who have taken this notion up include the left-wing populist Chantal Mouffe and her husband, Ernesto Laclau, author of On Populist Reason (2005).
Laclau, whose ideas have influenced populist governments in Greece and Argentina and populist opposition movements across Latin America and Europe, applies Schmittian thinking directly. Indeed, he goes further than Schmitt, treating enmity per se as the very principle of power. Where Schmitt, a virulent anti-Semite, identified the Jews as the perpetual enemy, Laclau’s hostility can be directed against anyone.
For Laclau, a populist movement is a collection of otherwise unrelated unmet “demands” aggregated by manipulative populist leaders. The demands are all different, but they are unified in a movement that constitutes “the people.” The designation of “the enemy of the people” is a strategic matter, a means of assembling a coalition powerful enough to be united under a leader for the purpose of seizing state power.
The final and most toxic ingredient is “affective investment”—that is, emotional engagement. What unites the otherwise disparate and inchoate demands, Laclau says, is the group’s adoration of the leader and hatred of the enemy.
Íñigo Errejón, a leader of the leftist Podemos populist party in Spain and an enthusiastic defender of Venezuela’s regime, builds his populism explicitly on the idea that collectivities are created by positing an enemy against which the people must struggle. In his case, the enemy is “the casta, the privileged.” When asked who the casta are, Errejón responded: “The term’s mobilizing power comes precisely from its lack of definition. It’s like asking: Who’s the oligarchy? Who’s the people? They are statistically undefinable. I think these are the poles with greatest performative capacity.”
Mouffe described the choice of target as essential to building the “sort of people we want to build.”
It’s Not the Economy, Stupid
The old standby explanation of populism is that it is a predictable response to economic oppression. Thus, the socialist pundit John Judis argues in 2016’s The Populist Explosion: How the Great Recession Transformed American and European Politics that populism rose in response to “the skewed distribution of jobs and income that neoliberal economics had created over the prior decades.”
Yet populists have surged in popularity or come to power in countries with very dissimilar economic conditions, including some with low unemployment and relatively high economic growth. Nor is the rise of populism a matter of age, with older people supporting right-wing nationalist populists and younger people supporting liberal cosmopolitanism: Plenty of young people have been voting for populist parties and candidates. Nor is the populist vote explained robustly by income levels.
The British political scientists Roger Eatwell and Matthew Goodwin point out in their 2018 book National Populism: The Revolt Against Liberal Democracy (Pelican) that a common driver in “national populism” is not falling wages but “relative deprivation—a sense that the wider group, whether white Americans or native Brits, is being left behind relative to others in society, while culturally liberal politicians, media and celebrities devote far more attention and status to immigrants, ethnic minorities and other newcomers.” Rapid change in the status of groups, notably through immigration, causes many people to experience relative downward mobility and to feel that the status of their group is threatened. When Britain voted to withdraw from the European Union, Eatwell and Goodwin write, polling data showed Remainers “talking endlessly about economic risks while Leavers were chiefly concerned about perceived threats to their identity and national groups.” (Brexit is a complex question, of course, and some classical liberals supported it because they feared an unaccountable E.U. bureaucracy. But the movement for Brexit was driven far more by populist concerns than by liberal ones.)
In the U.S., a deciding factor in Trump’s victory was the estimated 9 percent of voters who cast ballots for Obama in 2012 and then switched to Trump, according to survey data analyzed by George Washington University political scientist John Sides. Among white Obama voters who had not been to college, the share who later voted for Trump was a whopping 22 percent. As that past support for Obama suggests, their votes for Trump can’t be reduced to a simple story of racial backlash. Nor was it a simple matter of economics: For the most part, those voters’ incomes and living standards are higher than those of their parents.
But a common motivation for their support for Trump seems to be insecurity about their social status. A 2016 Brookings Institution survey showed that 66 percent of non-college-schooled American whites “agree that discrimination against whites is as big a problem today as discrimination against blacks and other minorities.” Anxiety about status—in this case a perception of an inversion of the status quo—seems to be a major factor, certainly much bigger than ideological racism. As political scientist Karen Stenner argued based on extensive data in her 2005 book The Authoritarian Dynamic, threats to “collective rather than individual conditions” trigger authoritarian “groupiness,” i.e., populism.
Here’s where classical liberals need to do some serious thinking. A mainstay of arguments for free markets is that when people’s incomes rise at different rates, the important thing is that they’re all rising. Even most left-wing egalitarians accept some inequality, as long as it’s necessary for the poor to become less poor. The philosopher John Rawls argued in A Theory of Justice, for instance, that inequalities can be just if they are to the “greatest benefit of the least advantaged,” because then, even the least well off could not complain. But human beings are concerned about more than how well they’re doing relative to how well they did in the past. They also care about how well they’re doing compared to others. They care about hierarchies and social status.
Relative status is quite different from absolute well-being. Libertarians have for many years celebrated the rise in status of women, racial minorities, immigrants, openly gay people, and others who had for very long periods of time suffered from low social status. Well, when it comes to relative social status, if some rose, others had to fall. And who perceived themselves as falling? White men without college degrees.
It isn’t just onetime outsiders rising in comparative status. As Charles Murray lays out in his 2012 book Coming Apart: The State of White America, 1960-2010, a decline in our collective emphasis on certain traditional virtues—hard work, marriage, and the like—has opened a gulf between college-schooled elites and high-schooled nonelites. The resentment felt by one side of the divide is, unfortunately, often matched by the arrogance and condescension shown by the other, which merely accentuates the resentment.
Similar divisions are happening in other countries as well, and they seem to be a major driver of populist sentiment. Pew Research Center surveys conducted in 2017 in 15 countries identified ethnocentrism and perceptions of national decline as characteristic of populist voters. In Germany, for example, 44 percent of the populist Alternative for Germany (AfD) party’s supporters say that life is worse than it was 50 years ago for people like them, compared to only 16 percent of other Germans. While data vary across countries and, as Berlin pointed out in 1967, no one factor can explain all populist movements, such fears of national decline and group status are common, especially in Europe and the U.S. The most important driver in Europe and the U.S. seems to be immigration and what Eatwell and Goodwin in National Populism call “hyper ethnic change”—that is, rapid change in the ethnic mix of a society, with multiple ethnicities joining the social order. (Some Americans have experienced feelings of dislocation and threat to their place in society upon seeing that their old Piggly Wiggly store has been replaced by a mercado with Mexican flags. It’s not the experience of ethnic pluralism that seems to be the problem but the fear that other ethnicities will eventually displace them.)
The percentage of U.S. residents who were foreign-born reached 13.7 percent in 2017, the highest percentage since 1910, when it was 14.7 percent. Moreover, since the Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1965, which abolished national quotas and favored family reunions, higher percentages of immigrants have been coming from Asia, Africa, Central America, and the Middle East, accentuating ethnic differences with the native-born population.
The Alternative for Germany, which started as a movement against the euro and has morphed into a populist anti-immigrant party, has drawn increasing support from less-schooled voters from the former states of East Germany. Such voters perceive their status as having fallen in recent decades, and they fear immigration far more than do more-schooled voters and those in the Western part of the country, which has seen far more immigration. In fact, the AfD support was strongest in those regions of the East that had seen the least population growth due to migration; people in those places feel that they are being left behind, and they blame immigrants, whom they see more on television than in their neighborhoods.
Similar analyses can be applied to Britain, France, Sweden, and other democracies that have seen surges of populism.
Hyper ethnic change is profoundly unsettling to many people, and it is helping to drive populist political responses. One can dismiss such reactions as irrational or small-minded, but many people feel them nonetheless. Moreover, many people are not satisfied with improvements in their conditions if they perceive others—especially outsiders—as doing even better. Envy and resentment have long been drivers of anti-libertarian movements, and they seem to be back in a big way. The problem is exacerbated by the increase of welfare-state transfer payments and benefits, which outsiders are believed to exploit or threaten.
I fear that we may be entering an age of authoritarian “groupiness” and that the consequences will be terrible for freedom and prosperity. Not to put too fine a point on it, but the rise of far-right and far-left authoritarian populist movements today is more than a little reminiscent of Europe in the 1930s.
The Libertarian Response
To take on such populist ideas, we must start by understanding them. If fear regarding immigration trends is driving a larger fear of liberal democratic capitalism, one response is to ensure that immigration procedures are (accurately) perceived as orderly rather than as invasive. Attitudes toward both the Syrian refugees fleeing a catastrophic war and the current situation on the United States’ southern border have arguably been shaped for the worse by a failure to fashion more systematic and orderly solutions, entailing a right to work legally, for example.
The reason so many people choose to cross into the U.S. illegally, and in risky ways, is that it’s extraordinarily difficult to obtain a visa at an American consulate and travel by bus or car through a legal port of entry. Those who enter without permission or overstay their visas are less likely to go home, as was previously common, when they are not sure they’ll be able to return to work again in the future. A functioning and efficient guest worker program—one that allows people to easily take temporary jobs in the United States and then return home to their families with the wealth they’ve rightfully acquired—could help calm the worries of American citizens who balk at the idea that throngs of foreigners are forcing their way across the border.
But is there anything libertarians, the vast majority of whom remain outside the halls of power where immigration policy is set, can do?
One idea is to push back against the idea that trade is a zero-sum game. Your benefit need not come at my expense. What is good for Germany can be good for France, if Germans and Frenchmen trade goods and services rather than bullets and bombs. Immigrants who arrive to work enrich the people among whom they work. Negative-sum games can be transformed into positive-sum games by establishing the right institutions: property, contract, and voluntary trade. Trade has improved the well-being of Americans, of Germans, of Kenyans, of everyone.
Libertarians also need to take a hard look at our own rhetoric. Trying to divide humanity into taxpayers and tax eaters, as if there were some easy way in a modern society to distinguish the two groups neatly and unambiguously, feeds into populist hatred and rage. By all means cut subsidies, but demonizing the recipients as enemies of the people, as mere parasites, contributes to a climate of resentment, hatred, revenge, and conflict that undermines the framework for peaceful, voluntary cooperation on which liberty rests.
Thinking about the world in terms of friends vs. enemies channels energy into collectivism and demagoguery. To stop authoritarian populism, it’s important not to promote the mentality of enmity that enables it.
Tom G. Palmer is a senior fellow of the Cato Institute and the vice president for International Programs of the Atlas Economic Research Foundation.
This article appeared in the September 2019 Issue of Reason.
Governments described as populist are now in power in Poland, Hungary, Mexico, and Turkey. Italy and Greece are governed by multiparty populist coalitions, while populists of the left or right are partners in coalition governments in seven other European Union countries. Venezuela is in free fall thanks to the confiscationist policies of a populist government. Brazil has an outspoken populist president. And the ongoing Trumpist takeover of the Republican Party isn’t just a populist spectacle in itself; it has also helped fuel a surge of left-wing populism among the Democrats. Those movements espouse a variety of programs across a wide range of political landscapes. What do they have in common?
Historians and political scientists have argued for decades about what exactly populism is, and they haven’t always come to the same conclusions. The political theorist Isaiah Berlin warned in 1967 that “a single formula to cover all populisms everywhere will not be very helpful. The more embracing the formula, the less descriptive. The more richly descriptive the formula, the more it will exclude.” Nonetheless, Berlin identified a core populist idea: the notion that an authentic “true people” have been “damaged by an elite, whether economic, political, or racial, some kind of secret or open enemy.”
The exact nature of that enemy—“foreign or native, ethnic or social”—doesn’t matter, Berlin adds. What fuels populist politics is that concept of the people battling the elite.
The Princeton political scientist Jan-Werner Müller proposes another characteristic: “In addition to being antielitist, populists are always antipluralist,” he argues in 2016’s What Is Populism? (University of Pennsylvania Press). “Populists claim that they, and they alone, represent the people.” In that formulation, the key to understanding populism is that “the people” does not include all the people. It excludes “the enemies of the people,” who may be specified in various ways: foreigners, the press, minorities, financiers, the “1 percent,” or others seen as not being “us.”
Donald Trump casually expressed that concept while running for president, declaring: “The only important thing is the unification of the people, because the other people don’t mean anything.” During the Brexit campaign, Nigel Farage, then-leader of the United Kingdom Independence Party, predicted “a victory for real people.” Apparently, those who voted against Brexit didn’t just lose; they weren’t real people to begin with.
Not every formulation of populism looks like that. The historian Walter Nugent, for example, argued in 1963’s The Tolerant Populists that America’s historical Populist Party was no more anti-pluralist than its opponents. In Populism’s Power, released the same year as Müller’s book, the Wellesley political scientist Laura Grattan offered a definition of populism that has room for pluralist, inclusive movements. But it is the Berlin-Müller brand of populism that is currently surging in Ankara, Budapest, and Washington, threatening individual liberty, free markets, the rule of law, constitutionalism, the free press, and liberal democracy.
The policies promoted by those governments vary, but they reject two related ideas. One is pluralism, the idea that people are variegated, with different interests and values that need to be negotiated through democratic political processes. The other is liberalism—not in the narrow American sense of the political center-left, but the broader belief that individuals have rights and the state’s power should be limited to protect those rights.
Populists can be “of the left,” but they need not be motivated by Marxian ideas of class conflict or central planning. They can be “of the right,” but they are distinctly different from old-school reactionaries who yearn for a lost world of ordered hierarchies; if anything, they tend to dissolve old-fashioned classes and social orders into the undifferentiated mass of The People. Or they can reject the left/right spectrum altogether. As the French populist leader Marine Le Pen put it in 2015, “Now the split isn’t between the left and the right but between the globalists and the patriots.”
Populists frequently believe that the true will of the authentic people is focused in one leader. Hugo Chávez, Venezuela’s late populist president, put it bluntly: “Chávez is no longer me! Chávez is a people! Chávez—we are millions. You are also Chávez! Venezuelan woman, you are also Chávez! Young Venezuelan, you are Chávez! Venezuelan child, you are Chávez! Venezuelan soldier, you are Chávez! Fisherman, farmer, peasant, merchant! Because Chávez is not me. Chávez is a people!” Turkey’s leader, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, once responded to a lone opposition voice by thundering, “We are the people! Who are you?” And then there’s Donald Trump’s less dramatic declaration that “I am your voice!”
Populists may seek power by democratic means, but that does not make them liberal. They often campaign against limits on the power of the people, especially independent judiciaries and other checks on the executive. Populists can be socialist or nationalist or both, they can be “pro-business” (crony capitalist) or “pro-labor” (crony unionist), but they share the idea that society must be put under some sort of control, exercised by a leader or a party that represents the true people and is fighting against their enemies.
The Children of Carl Schmitt
Antagonism, thus, is foundational to the populist mentality. And the central theorist of antagonism was Carl Schmitt, a German philosopher of the Nazi era—he is sometimes called the “crown jurist of the Third Reich”—who has had a strong influence on both the hard left and the hard right.
In The Concept of the Political (1932), a relentless critique of classical liberalism and constitutional democracy, Schmitt sought to displace the ideal of voluntary cooperation with the idea of conflict. The “specific political distinction to which political actions and motives can be reduced,” Schmitt wrote, “is that between friend and enemy.” The contemporary theorists who have taken this notion up include the left-wing populist Chantal Mouffe and her husband, Ernesto Laclau, author of On Populist Reason (2005).
Laclau, whose ideas have influenced populist governments in Greece and Argentina and populist opposition movements across Latin America and Europe, applies Schmittian thinking directly. Indeed, he goes further than Schmitt, treating enmity per se as the very principle of power. Where Schmitt, a virulent anti-Semite, identified the Jews as the perpetual enemy, Laclau’s hostility can be directed against anyone.
For Laclau, a populist movement is a collection of otherwise unrelated unmet “demands” aggregated by manipulative populist leaders. The demands are all different, but they are unified in a movement that constitutes “the people.” The designation of “the enemy of the people” is a strategic matter, a means of assembling a coalition powerful enough to be united under a leader for the purpose of seizing state power.
The final and most toxic ingredient is “affective investment”—that is, emotional engagement. What unites the otherwise disparate and inchoate demands, Laclau says, is the group’s adoration of the leader and hatred of the enemy.
Íñigo Errejón, a leader of the leftist Podemos populist party in Spain and an enthusiastic defender of Venezuela’s regime, builds his populism explicitly on the idea that collectivities are created by positing an enemy against which the people must struggle. In his case, the enemy is “the casta, the privileged.” When asked who the casta are, Errejón responded: “The term’s mobilizing power comes precisely from its lack of definition. It’s like asking: Who’s the oligarchy? Who’s the people? They are statistically undefinable. I think these are the poles with greatest performative capacity.”
Mouffe described the choice of target as essential to building the “sort of people we want to build.”
It’s Not the Economy, Stupid
The old standby explanation of populism is that it is a predictable response to economic oppression. Thus, the socialist pundit John Judis argues in 2016’s The Populist Explosion: How the Great Recession Transformed American and European Politics that populism rose in response to “the skewed distribution of jobs and income that neoliberal economics had created over the prior decades.”
Yet populists have surged in popularity or come to power in countries with very dissimilar economic conditions, including some with low unemployment and relatively high economic growth. Nor is the rise of populism a matter of age, with older people supporting right-wing nationalist populists and younger people supporting liberal cosmopolitanism: Plenty of young people have been voting for populist parties and candidates. Nor is the populist vote explained robustly by income levels.
The British political scientists Roger Eatwell and Matthew Goodwin point out in their 2018 book National Populism: The Revolt Against Liberal Democracy (Pelican) that a common driver in “national populism” is not falling wages but “relative deprivation—a sense that the wider group, whether white Americans or native Brits, is being left behind relative to others in society, while culturally liberal politicians, media and celebrities devote far more attention and status to immigrants, ethnic minorities and other newcomers.” Rapid change in the status of groups, notably through immigration, causes many people to experience relative downward mobility and to feel that the status of their group is threatened. When Britain voted to withdraw from the European Union, Eatwell and Goodwin write, polling data showed Remainers “talking endlessly about economic risks while Leavers were chiefly concerned about perceived threats to their identity and national groups.” (Brexit is a complex question, of course, and some classical liberals supported it because they feared an unaccountable E.U. bureaucracy. But the movement for Brexit was driven far more by populist concerns than by liberal ones.)
In the U.S., a deciding factor in Trump’s victory was the estimated 9 percent of voters who cast ballots for Obama in 2012 and then switched to Trump, according to survey data analyzed by George Washington University political scientist John Sides. Among white Obama voters who had not been to college, the share who later voted for Trump was a whopping 22 percent. As that past support for Obama suggests, their votes for Trump can’t be reduced to a simple story of racial backlash. Nor was it a simple matter of economics: For the most part, those voters’ incomes and living standards are higher than those of their parents.
But a common motivation for their support for Trump seems to be insecurity about their social status. A 2016 Brookings Institution survey showed that 66 percent of non-college-schooled American whites “agree that discrimination against whites is as big a problem today as discrimination against blacks and other minorities.” Anxiety about status—in this case a perception of an inversion of the status quo—seems to be a major factor, certainly much bigger than ideological racism. As political scientist Karen Stenner argued based on extensive data in her 2005 book The Authoritarian Dynamic, threats to “collective rather than individual conditions” trigger authoritarian “groupiness,” i.e., populism.
Here’s where classical liberals need to do some serious thinking. A mainstay of arguments for free markets is that when people’s incomes rise at different rates, the important thing is that they’re all rising. Even most left-wing egalitarians accept some inequality, as long as it’s necessary for the poor to become less poor. The philosopher John Rawls argued in A Theory of Justice, for instance, that inequalities can be just if they are to the “greatest benefit of the least advantaged,” because then, even the least well off could not complain. But human beings are concerned about more than how well they’re doing relative to how well they did in the past. They also care about how well they’re doing compared to others. They care about hierarchies and social status.
Relative status is quite different from absolute well-being. Libertarians have for many years celebrated the rise in status of women, racial minorities, immigrants, openly gay people, and others who had for very long periods of time suffered from low social status. Well, when it comes to relative social status, if some rose, others had to fall. And who perceived themselves as falling? White men without college degrees.
It isn’t just onetime outsiders rising in comparative status. As Charles Murray lays out in his 2012 book Coming Apart: The State of White America, 1960-2010, a decline in our collective emphasis on certain traditional virtues—hard work, marriage, and the like—has opened a gulf between college-schooled elites and high-schooled nonelites. The resentment felt by one side of the divide is, unfortunately, often matched by the arrogance and condescension shown by the other, which merely accentuates the resentment.
Similar divisions are happening in other countries as well, and they seem to be a major driver of populist sentiment. Pew Research Center surveys conducted in 2017 in 15 countries identified ethnocentrism and perceptions of national decline as characteristic of populist voters. In Germany, for example, 44 percent of the populist Alternative for Germany (AfD) party’s supporters say that life is worse than it was 50 years ago for people like them, compared to only 16 percent of other Germans. While data vary across countries and, as Berlin pointed out in 1967, no one factor can explain all populist movements, such fears of national decline and group status are common, especially in Europe and the U.S. The most important driver in Europe and the U.S. seems to be immigration and what Eatwell and Goodwin in National Populism call “hyper ethnic change”—that is, rapid change in the ethnic mix of a society, with multiple ethnicities joining the social order. (Some Americans have experienced feelings of dislocation and threat to their place in society upon seeing that their old Piggly Wiggly store has been replaced by a mercado with Mexican flags. It’s not the experience of ethnic pluralism that seems to be the problem but the fear that other ethnicities will eventually displace them.)
The percentage of U.S. residents who were foreign-born reached 13.7 percent in 2017, the highest percentage since 1910, when it was 14.7 percent. Moreover, since the Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1965, which abolished national quotas and favored family reunions, higher percentages of immigrants have been coming from Asia, Africa, Central America, and the Middle East, accentuating ethnic differences with the native-born population.
The Alternative for Germany, which started as a movement against the euro and has morphed into a populist anti-immigrant party, has drawn increasing support from less-schooled voters from the former states of East Germany. Such voters perceive their status as having fallen in recent decades, and they fear immigration far more than do more-schooled voters and those in the Western part of the country, which has seen far more immigration. In fact, the AfD support was strongest in those regions of the East that had seen the least population growth due to migration; people in those places feel that they are being left behind, and they blame immigrants, whom they see more on television than in their neighborhoods.
Similar analyses can be applied to Britain, France, Sweden, and other democracies that have seen surges of populism.
Hyper ethnic change is profoundly unsettling to many people, and it is helping to drive populist political responses. One can dismiss such reactions as irrational or small-minded, but many people feel them nonetheless. Moreover, many people are not satisfied with improvements in their conditions if they perceive others—especially outsiders—as doing even better. Envy and resentment have long been drivers of anti-libertarian movements, and they seem to be back in a big way. The problem is exacerbated by the increase of welfare-state transfer payments and benefits, which outsiders are believed to exploit or threaten.
I fear that we may be entering an age of authoritarian “groupiness” and that the consequences will be terrible for freedom and prosperity. Not to put too fine a point on it, but the rise of far-right and far-left authoritarian populist movements today is more than a little reminiscent of Europe in the 1930s.
The Libertarian Response
To take on such populist ideas, we must start by understanding them. If fear regarding immigration trends is driving a larger fear of liberal democratic capitalism, one response is to ensure that immigration procedures are (accurately) perceived as orderly rather than as invasive. Attitudes toward both the Syrian refugees fleeing a catastrophic war and the current situation on the United States’ southern border have arguably been shaped for the worse by a failure to fashion more systematic and orderly solutions, entailing a right to work legally, for example.
The reason so many people choose to cross into the U.S. illegally, and in risky ways, is that it’s extraordinarily difficult to obtain a visa at an American consulate and travel by bus or car through a legal port of entry. Those who enter without permission or overstay their visas are less likely to go home, as was previously common, when they are not sure they’ll be able to return to work again in the future. A functioning and efficient guest worker program—one that allows people to easily take temporary jobs in the United States and then return home to their families with the wealth they’ve rightfully acquired—could help calm the worries of American citizens who balk at the idea that throngs of foreigners are forcing their way across the border.
But is there anything libertarians, the vast majority of whom remain outside the halls of power where immigration policy is set, can do?
One idea is to push back against the idea that trade is a zero-sum game. Your benefit need not come at my expense. What is good for Germany can be good for France, if Germans and Frenchmen trade goods and services rather than bullets and bombs. Immigrants who arrive to work enrich the people among whom they work. Negative-sum games can be transformed into positive-sum games by establishing the right institutions: property, contract, and voluntary trade. Trade has improved the well-being of Americans, of Germans, of Kenyans, of everyone.
Libertarians also need to take a hard look at our own rhetoric. Trying to divide humanity into taxpayers and tax eaters, as if there were some easy way in a modern society to distinguish the two groups neatly and unambiguously, feeds into populist hatred and rage. By all means cut subsidies, but demonizing the recipients as enemies of the people, as mere parasites, contributes to a climate of resentment, hatred, revenge, and conflict that undermines the framework for peaceful, voluntary cooperation on which liberty rests.
Thinking about the world in terms of friends vs. enemies channels energy into collectivism and demagoguery. To stop authoritarian populism, it’s important not to promote the mentality of enmity that enables it.
Tom G. Palmer is a senior fellow of the Cato Institute and the vice president for International Programs of the Atlas Economic Research Foundation.
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