Tuesday, January 26, 2021

The majority of studies observed beneficial effects of restricted social media use on measures of subjective well-being—but few found advantage in being disconnected from their environment

The Effects of Restricting Social Media Use on Subjective Well-Being – A Systematic Review. Richard Eriksen. Thesis, Bergen Univ, Jan 2020. https://bora.uib.no/bora-xmlui/bitstream/handle/11250/2724018/Hovedoppgave_RE.pdf?sequence=1

Abstract: During the last decade, social media usage has increased dramatically, cultivating a significant change in the way people communicate, socialize, and consume information. In turn, this shift in cultural and behavioral change has given rise to concerns about the potential impact on mental health and well-being. The findings from a range of correlational studies suggest an association between increased social media usage and reduced subjective wellbeing, although the causality of this relationship is not fully understood. Recent studies have attempted to clarify the causality of this association by employing experimental restrictions on social media or smartphone use. The current review summarizes findings from these experiments, highlighting the effects of abstinence and moderation on subjective well-being and the interaction of proposed mediating and moderating factors such as social connection, withdrawal, gender, and baseline use of social media. The review was conducted in accordance with the PRISMA guidelines; the primary search was performed during October 2020 using the APA PsycInfo, Embase, Medline (Ovid), and Web of Science databases, identifying a total of 19 experimental studies that met the inclusion criteria. Overall, the review found that the majority of studies observed beneficial effects of restricted social media use on measures of subjective well-being—notably, these benefits were most pronounced through an approach of moderated use rather than complete abstinence. Restrictions seem to have stronger effects for heavy social media users than for light or casual users. The results are discussed in terms of limitations and implications for further research.



Reversing the political gender gap, women boycott "evil" products more often than men, partly because they have "nicer" personality traits

Explaining the Reversed Gender Gap in Political Consumerism: Personality Traits as Significant Mediators. Birte Gundelach  Deborah Kalte. Swiss Political Science Review, January 22 2021. https://doi.org/10.1111/spsr.12429

Abstract: Research on political consumerism documents a persistent reversed gender gap, as women boycott and buycott products more often than men. Previous efforts to explain the reversed gender gap rely on classical theoretical models developed to illuminate gender differences in political participation in general. Accounting for socio‐economic and situational factors as well as socialization leaves a significant amount of the reversed gender gap unexplained, though. Adhering to recent empirical evidence of personality as an important factor influencing political behavior, we argue that gender differences in personality traits could provide an alternative explanation to account for gender disparities in political consumerism. We use original survey data specially designed to measure political consumerism in Switzerland, which also include the Big Five model of personality. We find empirical evidence that gender differences in personality traits, in particular agreeableness, explain a significant portion of the reversed gender gap in political consumerism.


Memory of eating was more accurate than memory for other similar behaviors; foods higher in calories were better remembered than foods lower in calories

Calories count: Memory of eating is evolutionarily special. Benjamin M. Seitz, Aaron P. Blaisdell, A. Janet Tomiyama. Journal of Memory and Language, Volume 117, April 2021, 104192. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jml.2020.104192

Highlights

• The Memory of Eating Task was used to systematically study memory of eating.

• Memory of eating was more accurate than memory for other similar behaviors.

• Foods higher in calories were better remembered than foods lower in calories.

• Eating food slowly resulted in better memory of eating.

• These evolutionary influences on memory should be considered in memory models.

Abstract: How well do we remember eating food? Some nutritional scientists have decried memory of eating as being highly unreliable (i.e. low in accuracy), but it is unclear if memory of eating is particularly worse than memory of other behaviors. In fact, evolutionary reasoning suggests the mammalian memory system might be biased towards enhanced memory of eating. We created a novel behavioral task to investigate the relative strength and determinants of memory of eating. In this task, participants were cued to eat a single item of food every time a tone was sounded and were later asked to recall how many items of food they consumed. In Experiment 1, we found that memory for the behavior of eating was more accurate than memory for similar but noneating behaviors. In Experiment 2, we ruled out a potential physiological mechanism (glucose ingestion) behind this effect. Last, in two pre-registered studies, we explored determinants of memory of eating. In Experiment 3, we found that the caloric density of the consumed food item potentiates its ability to be remembered and in Experiment 4 we found that a slow eating rate results in more accurate memory of eating than a fast eating rate. Understanding these and future factors that influence memory of eating might be useful in designing intervention strategies to enhance memory of eating, which has been shown to reduce future food consumption. Ultimately these four studies inform our understanding of how selective pressures shaped memory and lay the groundwork for further investigations into memory of eating.

Keywords: Episodic memoryMemory of eatingAdaptive memoryEvolutionary psychologyCognitive control of eating


Monday, January 25, 2021

Women had more favorable attitudes toward the police; those who were victims of crime or had more fear of crime had less satisfaction with the police

What matters in citizen satisfaction with police: A meta-analysis. Michelle A. Bolger, Daniel J. Lytle, P. Colin Bolger. Journal of Criminal Justice, Volume 72, January–February 2021, 101760. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2020.101760

Rolf Degen's take: Rolf Degen on Twitter: Meta-analysis: Women have more favorable attitudes toward the police than men.

Highlights

• We provide the first full meta-analysis of studies examining various factors predicting citizen satisfaction with police.

• We included 66 independent studies in our analysis.

• Random effects analyses revealed that race, age, gender, fear of crime, and victimization were statistically significant.

• Moderating analyses revealed Tthat inclusion of certain variables had impacts on other variable effect sizes.

• In sum, patterns across demographics are consistent with most prior research, but other key variables must be included.

• Furthermore, future research must work to standardize measurement of citizen satisfaction with police.

Abstract

Purpose: While there has been a sizeable amount of research on identifying the correlates of citizen satisfaction with police agencies, that research has not been synthesized to identify patterns across different studies. This study presents the results of a meta-analysis that assessed the predictive strength of the most commonly included correlates of satisfaction with police.

Methods: An exhaustive search for studies on satisfaction with police produced 66 studies eligible for inclusion in the meta-analysis. Random effects models were conducted along with moderating analyses.

Results: Findings revealed that gender, race, age, fear of crime, and victimization were statistically significant predictors of satisfaction with police. Moderating analyses revealed that certain variables, Hispanic ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and perceptions of crime, while not significant in the main effect size analysis, were significant in the moderator analysis.

Conclusions: It is important that future research establishes a more standardized form of measurement for satisfaction, with the consideration that confidence and trust may operate as distinct constructs. Additionally, it is imperative to move beyond investigating demographic factors alone and instead focus on variables related to procedural justice, performance theory, and neighborhood context.

Keywords: Satisfaction with policeTrustConfidenceMeta-analysis

5. Discussion

The results of this meta-analysis provide three insights. First, findings generally support previous studies regarding demographic effects. Second, findings suggest the need for inclusion of citizen experience and neighborhood perception variables such as fear of crime and victimization in studies examining citizen satisfaction. Third, findings highlight the need for more uniform and direct measurement of satisfaction with police.

As expected, gender, age, race, victimization, and fear of crime were statistically significant predictors of satisfaction. Consistent with most previous research, education and socioeconomic status were not statistically significant in either analysis. Surprisingly, prior police contact was not statistically significant despite being noted as a significant predictor in previous studies (Frank et al., 1996Frank et al., 2005Rosenbaum et al., 2005). This may be due, in part, to a relatively small number of studies which included the variable and potential interaction effects with other variables such as race, victimization, or fear of crime. Another potential explanation is that the measurement varies widely across studies. Perhaps prior police contact may not be influential, in some studies, measured as a binary prior police contact, but the quality and nature of the police-citizen interaction is important (Dai & Jiang, 2016Frank et al., 1996Rosenbaum et al., 2005Schafer et al., 2003Skogan, 2005Wells, 2007). A perceived negative interaction has a substantially greater impact on someone's global perceptions with the police, while a perceived positive interaction does not have the same impact (Dai & Jiang, 2016Schafer et al., 2003). It should be noted that the mean effect size for prior police contact was just outside the margin for statistical significance (p = .054). As such, future studies should include measures of prior police contact whenever possible in order to discern if it does make a difference in global perceptions of satisfaction with the police. Fear of crime, though relatively weak, was statistically significant in predicting satisfaction. Fear of crime and additional neighborhood perception variables, including physical and social disorder, should also be employed in studies surrounding satisfaction with police.

Another important finding is that some of the variables that were not significant in the general random-effects modeling mean effect size analysis were significant in the moderator analysis. Hispanic ethnicity and SES produced significant mean effect sizes when other correlates were included in the analysis. Hispanic ethnicity was related to police satisfaction when studies included measures of education, fear of crime, and victimization. SES was significant when race and prior police contact were measured. These findings could indicate that consistency in variables measured is an important consideration in studies of police satisfaction, and the model misspecification may mask important findings. It may be especially important to consider Hispanic ethnicity as a separate correlate from race given that Lytle (2014) found that Hispanic individuals were more likely to be arrested and Engel, Cherkauskas, Smith, Lytle, and Moore (2009) found that Hispanic individuals were more likely to be searched, but were significantly less likely to have contraband seized from the stop. As such, it is possible that Hispanic individuals may be more likely to have negative experiences with police.

Where the study occurs is generally not significant, which means that perceptions of police do not appear to vary based on whether the study is conducted in the United States or abroad or whether the environment is urban or rural. There were two exceptions to this from the moderator analysis. First, SES was significant in studies conducted outside of the United States, and Hispanic ethnicity was significant in studies that examined a mixture of environments relative to urban only studies and rural only studies.

Finally, a few measurement nuances were noted in the moderating analyses. Namely, gender produced greater effect sizes in OLS as opposed to probit and logistic regression, indicating that the level of measurement is important. Regarding the impact of SES, it was statistically significant when satisfaction was operationalized as trust only, but not with any other conceptualizations (confidence or general satisfaction). These findings suggest the need for more uniform measures of satisfaction with police. More uniformity in the conceptualization and level of measurement will aid in the inclusion of more studies in future reviews and will aid in our ability to make stronger conclusions about predictors of citizen satisfaction.

5.1. Limitations

There are important limitations to consider when interpreting our findings. First, there was wide variation in how the dependent variable was measured. This limits our ability to make stronger conclusions regarding the main effect sizes of various correlates with satisfaction. Indeed, moderating analyses suggested that there were differences in effect sizes based on conceptualization. We chose to include conceptualizations of trust, satisfaction, and multifaceted global measures of satisfaction to be as inclusive as possible. These varying measures are not necessarily invalid, but our analyses suggest that a more standardized measurement may be more useful, and as Cao (2015) suggested, satisfaction, confidence, and trust may indeed operate as distinct constructs. Second, there are other theoretically supported variables surrounding procedural justice theory and neighborhood factors such as concentrated disadvantage, physical and social disorder, and collective efficacy that were not included in our analyses. The absence of these variables was simply because too few studies included measures of these constructs to include in the analyses. We suggest that future research include measures of procedural justice, concentrated disadvantage, physical and social disorder, and collective efficacy whenever possible.

Finally, there were small sample sizes for some key variables we included, namely victimization, fear of crime, and prior police contact. The small sample size may have played a role in the lack of significance for prior police contact, and the fact that fail-safe N values for victimization and fear of crime were moderately stable. For instance, 25 of the 66 studies (37.88%) included victimization. Fear of crime was included in 21 of the 66 (31.81%). Even so, these variables retained statistical significance in random-effects models. Previous research has suggested that these key variables have predicted satisfaction above and beyond citizen characteristics, supporting theories surrounding performance theory and procedural justice. As such, it is imperative that future research includes these constructs when examining satisfaction with police.

The small sample size could be to blame for the lack of significance for prior police contact and Hispanic ethnicity. This is especially true for Hispanic ethnicity, given the significance of race. Of the 66 studies analyzed, only 15 (22.72%) examined Hispanic ethnicity, and 18 (27.27) included a measure of prior police contact. Future research should pursue attempts to measure these potentially relevant variables given the significance of analogous measures.

6. Conclusion

Despite our limitations, this meta-analysis provides important insights for research surrounding satisfaction with police. First, there is a consistent finding that, based on the studies analyzed, people that have been victims of crime are significantly less satisfied with police. This may indicate that police are doing a subpar job of serving the needs of crime victims. Moreover, this may be exacerbated among minority communities. In support of the majority of prior studies, race remains a statistically significant predictor of satisfaction with police. Based on the studies examined in this meta-analysis, police should make a concerted effort to improve the services they provide to these groups. For practitioners, as police departments across the United States struggle with community relations, particularly relations with African-American communities, these findings point to the importance of adding citizen experiences of victimization and perceptions of police contact as key measures for evaluating agency performance. While demographic factors should always be included in models predicting satisfaction, it is critical that other theoretically supported constructs such as fear of crime, victimization, and prior police contact are also included. It is important to note that the relationship between fear of crime and police satisfaction may be nuanced. Fear of crime was significantly related to police satisfaction in the main effect size analysis. However, based on the moderator analysis, when race, Hispanic ethnicity, or victimization were measured, fear of crime was not significant.

Citizen satisfaction with police has ripple effects regarding compliance with the law (Bolger & Walters, 2019Murphy et al., 2008Murphy et al., 2009Murphy & Cherney, 2012Sunshine & Tyler, 2003Tyler & Fagan, 2008). Additionally, research has indicated that citizen satisfaction impacts willingness to report a crime (Boateng, 2018Goudriaan et al., 2006Watkins, 2005). Given these two findings, increasing citizen satisfaction could improve policing efficiency in general. Based on the findings from this analysis, police have a significant problem with certain groups within society, non-white, younger individuals, those that fear crime, and victims of crime all expressed less satisfaction than their similarly situated counterparts. Moreover, the findings for race, age, and victimization were not conditioned on some other variable or a measurement issue. Considering the findings from this study, combined with those from other studies, it is reasonable to think that if police could improve relationships between those that fall into the dissatisfied categories, then they could increase compliance and citizens' willingness to report crimes. Police certainly need the community in this capacity, and increased cooperation could lead to a better ability to solve crimes (Braga & Dusseault, 2018Brunson & Wade, 2019Chaiken, Greenwood, & Petersilia, 1977Decker, 1996Regoeczi & Jarvis, 2013).

Second, there is consistent evidence that the effects of some theoretically relevant variables are conditional based on the presence of other covariates. Consistent with prior meta-analytic endeavors in research on policing literature (Bolger, 2015; Bolger & Lytle, 2018Lytle, 2014), model conceptualization and specification matters. The moderator analysis found differences among mean effect sizes based on the presence of covariates for gender, Hispanic ethnicity, SES, and perceptions of crime. It is essential for future studies that examine police satisfaction to include conditional variables in addition to those which tend to have statistically significant effects. Failure to include both could lead to misspecification of findings. Further, we recommend that police satisfaction literature should work to create more standardized measures as it is clear that there was a wide array of measurements for all variables involved.

In sum, as is the case with the police decision-making literature, a more precise measurement of the dependent variable and more inclusion of neighborhood variables and citizen encounter and experience variables must be employed in future studies. As nationally representative samples of communities and police departments are unlikely to be collected due to the cost and logistical challenges of such efforts, our understanding of what makes people more or less satisfied with policing services will be limited to localized samples unless researchers can agree on more unified measurement to facilitate more robust research synthesis efforts.

Unknowing, indifferent, or committed: Relations between age and assessments of the German population’s involvement and inaction during the time of National Socialism

Unknowing, indifferent, or committed: Relations between age and assessments of the German population’s involvement and inaction during the time of National Socialism. Michael Papendick  Jonas H. Rees  Andreas Zick. Asian Journal of Social Psychology, January 24 2021. https://doi.org/10.1111/ajsp.12457

Rolf Degen's take: (20) Rolf Degen on Twitter: "Younger Germans are far more likely to believe that their compatriots knew about the crimes of the Nazis and let it happen than the older ones. https://t.co/qZJdZX1NiI https://t.co/EW0epI7AHw"

Abstract: We examine German participants’ assessment of the time of National Socialism. Especially for younger generations, shifts in the culture of remembrance may change their assessments of historical events. We argue that factors such as increased formal education about the topic and decreased personal contact with contemporary witnesses can weaken attributional biases (e.g., ingroup favouritism) in the assessment of the role of the German population during the time of National Socialism. We use data from a German representative sample (N = 1,000) and focus on the links between participants’ age and the estimated involvement of the German population under National Socialism as perpetrators, victims, helpers, and “bystanders,” as well as the agreement with explanations why the general population did not act against National Socialist crimes. Younger participants estimated the proportions of perpetrators and bystanders within the German population as higher and were less likely to agree that Germans did not know about the systematic killings. Older participants were more likely to agree with situational explanations for the population’s inaction (i.e., that Germans did not know or did not have an opportunity to act against the crimes). We find a positive relation between a more critical perspective on the involvement of the population in the past and participants’ feelings of responsibility in the present.

Discussion

The main objective of the present study was to examine whether and to what extent contemporary Germans’ views on the German population during National Socialism are related to their age. We found that younger Germans reported differing points of contact with the time of National Socialism, as they reported having learned more about the topic in school and having met fewer individuals who have lived through the time of National Socialism themselves. We assumed these kinds of changes in the culture of remembrance would result in differing assessments of the role of the German population during National Socialism. In fact, younger Germans reported a more critical perspective on the role of society in Nazi Germany. They assumed a stronger involvement of the German population as perpetrators, and as bystanders who were aware of the regime’s crimes but did not intervene. When asked to explain the population’s inaction, younger Germans were more likely to reject the situational explanations that Germans during National Socialism “did not know,” did not realize the seriousness of the situation, or did not have any opportunity to act against the Nazis’ crimes. Those participants showing a more critical assessment of the past also reported an increased feeling of responsibility in the present.

Access to the Topic of National Socialism

Results show that the general extent of confrontation with the topic of National Socialism appears to be independent from Germans’ age. Younger Germans did not confront themselves with the topic less intensively than older Germans. Regarding specific ways of confrontation with the past, however, older Germans reported deriving less knowledge from institutional education and more from personal contact with contemporary witnesses. Younger participants, on the other hand, reported more facts‐based confrontation with the topic in school, and less personal points of contact. These results are further supported by additional data from the present project on the German culture of remembrance (Rees, Papendick, & Zick, 2019; Rees, Zick, et al., 2019). For example, younger Germans reported fewer conversations about the topic of National Socialism in their families as well as less knowledge about the role of their own ancestors during the time of National Socialism. These results substantiate the discussions about current shifts in the German culture of remembrance in which “established” ways of confrontation with the time of National Socialism slowly vanish while others evolve and become more influential for the assessment of the past. These changes, again, could be interpreted as a detachment from history and a loss of knowledge. Studies such as the one by Welzer et al. (2014), however, illustrate Germans’ frequently biased perspectives of their ancestors’ involvement in the Nazis’ crimes, the selective communication of stories of heroism and victimhood, and the selective suppression of stories of guilt and responsibility within German families. A further detachment from these biased family representations or individual narratives may increase the impact of more fact‐oriented confrontations with the topic (see also Rees et al., in press).

The German Population’s Involvement and Inaction During National Socialism

To test our prediction that these changes in access to the topic of National Socialism are not only negative but potentially enable a more critical perspective of the role of the German population, we tested for links between participants’ age and their assessments of the time of National Socialism. We hypothesized that younger participants would be more likely to choose accusing explanations for the population’s inaction and emphasize the German population’s awareness of and involvement in the perpetration of crimes, while older participants would more likely exonerate the general population and attribute their inaction to a lack of knowledge. Our results support these predictions, showing that younger participants more often denied the situational explanation that Germans “did not know”—not only when specifically asked whether the lack of knowledge was an appropriate explanation but also when asked to estimate the proportion of Germans who were aware of the regime’s systematic murdering. Older participants, in turn, were more likely to attribute Germans’ inaction to the situational and more exonerating explanations of a lack of knowledge or a lack of opportunities to act. These results are in line with those reported by Imhoff et al. (2017) and Doosje and Branscombe (2003), but extend them in demonstrating that ingroup favouring attributional biases regarding the explanation for the Holocaust may also hold for the specific group of the bystanders to the Nazi crimes, and that differences in attributional patterns are not only found between national groups but also between different generations within German society.

However, we also found deviations from our assumptions and the results reported in previous studies. First, and in contrast to the results reported by Imhoff et al. (2017) and Doosje and Branscombe (2003), we found that within our overall sample, the dispositional explanation that the German population during National Socialism did not intervene because they shared the views of the Nazi regime was affirmed more often than the situational explanation of a population that was inactive due to a lack of knowledge. While counterintuitive at first, we argue that this deviation can be explained by the situational attribution we presented (“They did not know about the murders”). Compared to the more complex situational explanation of “the bad economic conditions and the high unemployment rate” presented by Imhoff et al. (2017, p. 914) the situational explanation of a lack of awareness of the crimes among the German population stands in clear contrast to historical knowledge. Therefore, it is comprehensible that participants in our study were less likely to affirm the situational explanation. This result supports our hypothesis that an explicit denial of the German population’s knowledge of the Nazi regime’s atrocities can be interpreted as an active exoneration of the German population. Additionally, the study by Imhoff and colleagues focused on attributions of the causes of the Holocaust while the present study examined explanations for the lack of resistance within the bystanding German population, and therefore addresses a different aspect of explaining National Socialism. The second result in contrast to our expectations is the lack of age differences in the estimation of helpers among the German population. As we expected younger Germans to report a generally more critical and accusing assessment of the past, we assumed that this critical assessment would be expressed in a lower estimation of helpers among the German population as well. A potential explanation for this result may be a differing definition of the particular group of helpers, depending on participants’ age. If younger Germans have a different concept of “helping potential victims” in mind, they may come to a different conclusion about the proportion of helpers among the German population. More specifically, potential definitions for acts of helping during National Socialism may range from small acts of support in everyday life (e.g., giving food) to more serious interventions (e.g., explicitly saving someone’s life or taking severe personal risks to support someone). Another explanation would be that younger Germans are generally more aware of the population’s involvement in particular roles, as perpetrators or bystanders, but know less about acts of help and support for the victim groups of National Socialism. Future research should further elaborate on how younger Germans themselves define the groups of perpetrators, victims, helpers, and bystanders, and whether these definitions differ from those of older Germans.

In sum, our results corroborate the assumption of generational differences within German society not only with regard to access to the topic of National Socialism, reinforcing discussions about shifts in the German culture of remembrance (Cornelißen, 2015; Knigge, 2010; Körber Foundation, 2017), but also with regard to assessments of the societal circumstances of National Socialism and the Holocaust. These results, especially younger participants’ higher estimations of knowledge among the German population during the Nazi era, may be regarded as the result of more facts‐based confrontations with the topic of National Socialism. Our exploratory analyses show that those participants who reported a more critical perspective on the German population during National Socialism also reported more courageous attitudes with regard to German society today. One obvious interpretation of these results would be to conclude that these participants share a more (self‐) critical perspective on societal issues, attributing responsibility not only to external factors or actors, but hold the society, including themselves, accountable. Following this interpretation, this attribution of responsibilities may at least partially derive from the confrontation with the topic of National Socialism in general or with the bystanding behaviour of the population during National Socialism in particular. Yet, deducing some kind of historical learning or historical consciousness from the present data would be a clear exaggeration and overinterpretation.

Limitations and Future Directions

Although the present study contributes to a better understanding of contemporary Germans’ perspectives on the time of National Socialism and generational differences in these perspectives, a number of methodological restrictions confine potential inferences and should be considered in future research. One of our assumptions is a potentially positive consequence of changes within the German culture of remembrance, resulting in a less biased perspective on the German population in the time of National Socialism. While the theoretical deduction from social identity theory, explaining this effect with the concept of ingroup favouritism, is reasonable and the results support our hypothesis, the extent of participants’ identification with the German population during National Socialism was not explicitly measured. The same applies to the assessment of participants’ estimations of Germans’ involvement in the National Socialists’ crimes and the interpretation of specific estimations (e.g., higher estimations of the percentages of perpetrators and bystanders) representing a more accusing perspective on the role of the German population. The different explanations for the population’s inaction we examined and the correlations between these explanations and participants’ estimations of the population’s involvement reinforce our interpretation that specific estimations of the German population’s involvement represent more critical assessments of the past. The assessment and evaluation of the political, economic, and societal circumstances of National Socialism, however, is a complex question that can hardly be assessed with few quantitative items. Future research might wish to assess participants’ understanding of the conditions of National Socialism and the Holocaust in a more differentiated manner and also include questions on whether participants perceive direct or indirect relations between the past and the present. While the present study included estimations of the German population’s involvement to assess participants’ impression of civil society during the time of National Socialism, more explicit questions are needed to draw a full image of how Germans today perceive and explain the time of National Socialism. This assessment should further take into account the developments during and prior to the time span from 1933 to 1945. Participants’ answers to questions regarding “the time of National Socialism” will most likely be influenced by the specific point in time that is invoked. Answers to questions referring to the early years of National Socialism will differ from those referring to the years of the Holocaust. Qualitative studies on the topic would enable assessments of individuals’ explicit understanding of National Socialism and of how far they regard their personal confrontation with the time of National Socialism as relevant for their attitudes toward present‐day issues. Finally, the potential causal relationships we discuss in the present paper (e.g., the assumption that a confrontation with historical sources representing the German population’s bystanding behaviour promotes more critical perspectives on the role of the German population in general) need to be tested experimentally to understand how far and under which conditions contemporary Germans may draw inferences from a confrontation with National Socialism. These studies should also take into account additional factors that may influence contemporary Germans’ assessment of the past, such as their national identification with Germany.

Sunday, January 24, 2021

A critical review of mechanisms of adaptation to trauma: Implications for early interventions for posttraumatic stress disorder

A critical review of mechanisms of adaptation to trauma: Implications for early interventions for posttraumatic stress disorder. Richard A. Bryant. Clinical Psychology Review, January 24 2021, 101981. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cpr.2021.101981

Highlights

• Current early intervention strategies to limit PTSD after trauma exposure have achieved limited success.

• Longitudinal studies indicate that trauma survivors follow distinct trajectories of stress response.

• There are diverse acute predictors of PTSD, encompassing a range of biological and cognitive factors.

• The different posttrauma trajectories indicates that early intervention strategies need a more flexible approach.

• The diversity of acute risk factors for PTSD indicates that early intervention strategies need a more flexible approach that accommodate the different mechanisms.

Abstract: Although many attempts have been made to limit development of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) by early intervention after trauma exposure, these attempts have achieved only modest success. This review critiques the biological and cognitive strategies used for early intervention and outlines the extent to which they have prevented PTSD. The major predictors of PTSD are reviewed, with an emphasis on potential mechanisms that may underpin the transition from acute stress reaction to development of PTSD. This review highlights that there is a wide range of biological and cognitive factors that have been shown to predict PTSD. Despite this, the major attempts at early intervention have focused on strategies that attempt to augment extinction processes or alter appraisals in the acute period. The documented predictors of PTSD indicate that a broader range of potential strategies could be explored to limit PTSD. The evidence that people follow different trajectories of stress response following trauma and there is a wide array of acute predictors of PTSD indicates that a flexible and tailored approach needs to be investigated to evaluate more effective early intervention strategies.

Keywords: Posttraumatic stress disorderEarly interventionAcute stressTreatment

13. Implications for early intervention

Although acute symptoms are statistically related to subsequent PTSD, the relationships are modest at best. Sufficient prediction requires balancing

sensitivity (the probability that someone who eventually develops PTSD satisfied the acute predictor), specificity (the probability that someone who does not develop PTSD did not satisfy the acute predictor), as well as positive and negative predictive power (the probability that a person who does/does not satisfies the acute predictor subsequently does/does not develop PTSD). Our modest ability to predict subsequent PTSD points to several important implications in early intervention for PTSD. First, the modest predictive power of any acute markers suggests that identifying people who will require early intervention has a long way to go before we can confidently rely on predictive tools to identify those at risk of PTSD. Second, the conclusion that not all people follow the same trajectory of posttraumatic stress indicates that no single early intervention strategy may be efficacious for all people. Third, the array of acute markers that have been identified as being predictive of later PTSD points to the need for a broad approach to encompass potential intervention targets that may address these different mechanisms. On the basis of these conclusions, and the review conducted above, the following considerations are offered regarding future directions for developing a better science and practice for early intervention to limit PTSD.

13.1. Timing of early intervention

Although some models of fear learning and extinction may suggest that intervening very early in the period after trauma exposure may reduce consolidation of trauma memories (Norrholm et al., 2008Rothbaum et al., 2012), there is also considerable evidence that the later one attempts to classify people who are at risk of subsequent PTSD the more accurate the prediction may be. For example, acute symptoms that persist in the weeks after trauma are more predictive than those assessed in the very initial period (Briere, Scott, & Weathers, 2005Panasetis & Bryant, 2003Solomon et al., 1988). This suggests that attempts to provide early intervention to those identified as being at risk of later PTSD are more likely to be unnecessary because the early identification of risk will yield more false positive identifications. Perusal of trajectory studies of PTSD point to the same conclusion because they suggest that a proportion of people will develop PTSD over time as their condition worsens, and these people may not be identified if the initial assessment of risk is conducted too early (Galatzer-Levy et al., 2018). It appears that there is a balance between offering intervention early because some evidence suggests this may yield a more potent effect (Carpenter et al., 2018) and the risk of providing the intervention to people who may naturally remit. This issue is underscored by evidence from one trial that found that early intervention with TF-CBT facilitated recovery but it did not necessarily lead to greater longer-term outcomes than people's natural recovery trajectories (Shalev et al., 2016). At a practical level, many early intervention studies have attempted to identify risk very soon after trauma exposure, often within the first week, whereas delaying this identification process several weeks after trauma exposure may yield more accurate classification of people at risk of later PTSD and at the same time not comprise the benefits of treatment.

13.2. The benefit of identifying resilient individuals

Trajectory studies of the course of posttraumatic stress have robustly indicated that approximately three-quarters of trauma survivors do not experience PTSD over repeated assessments (Galatzer-Levy et al., 2018). This strongly suggests that these individuals are not in need of mental health assistance for PTSD. Traditionally attempts to focus on trauma survivors who may benefit from early intervention have focused on those who are deemed at risk of PTSD development. Another approach would be to identify the resilient people and focus limited mental health resources on those trauma survivors who are not resilient. This strategy would reduce the problem of identifying people in the acute phase who may not be very distressed but who may worsen over time. Most trajectory studies indicate that approximately 75% of trauma survivors can be classified as resilient, and so excluding these people from consideration would allow mental health resources to be allocated to those in need. Such an approach could involve early intervention and/or ongoing monitoring of the person's condition and intervention could be offered when the condition deteriorates. This strategy would be consistent with the evidence that PTSD is a fluctuating condition that often surfaces following recent stressors (Bonanno, Kennedy, et al., 2012Bryant et al., 2017Pietrzak, Van Ness, et al., 2013), which could be identified with regular monitoring of this group of trauma survivors.

13.3. Focus on novel mechanisms related to predictors

This review has highlighted that the early predictors of PTSD encompass a range of factors that are present in the acute period after trauma that appear to represent mechanisms that contribute to PTSD development. Despite the breadth of predictive factors, most early interventions have focused on either extinction-based mechanisms or processes involving adjustment of maladaptive appraisals. These mechanisms form the basis of most TF-CBT programs, as well as novel pharmacological and direct stimulation techniques. However, there are other options that could be used that would address some of the factors identified as early predictors of PTSD. For example, we have noted that overgeneral autobiographical memory retrieval in the acute phase is predictive of later PTSD (Harvey et al., 1998)(Kleim & Ehlers, 2008). In recent years this deficit has been the focus of memory specificity training, which coaches people on retrieving specific memories and has been shown to have a small to moderate effect in reducing depression (Hitchcock, Werner-Seidler, Blackwell, & Dalgleish, 2017). One pilot study has found that this training can also reduce PTSD symptoms (Moradi et al., 2014). This approach could be trialled in the acute posttrauma period to determine its efficacy in limiting PTSD.

We also noted that rumination is a strong predictor of later PTSD. Several treatment options have promise for managing rumination, including metacognitive therapy (Wells & King, 2006), rumination-focused cognitive behaviour therapy (Watkins et al., 2011), and mindfulness-based therapy (Kuyken et al., 2008). There is initial evidence that these interventions can be applied to PTSD (Polusny et al., 2015Wells & Colbear, 2012). Considering the strong predictive role of rumination in PTSD development, potentially adapting metacognitive and mindfulness-based approaches in the early period may be adaptive for recently traumatized people who present with marked rumination.

Elevated distress and deficient emotion regulation strategies in the acute period have been linked to later PTSD (Bardeen et al., 2013). There are numerous strategies available to improve emotion regulation that have proven capacity in managing PTSD symptoms. Programs that teach skills in identification of emotional states, strategies to reduce distress, addressing emotional avoidance, and tolerating bodily sensations of emotions can effectively limit PTSD or associated anxiety symptoms (Barlow et al., 2017Bryant et al., 2013Bryant, McGrath, & Felmingham, 2013Cloitre et al., 2010). Teaching acutely traumatized people who present with emotion dysregulation skills to identify and manage emotional reactions may also be useful in limiting subsequent PTSD.

The predictive role of depression and negative affect in the acute phase points to the possibility of targeting this initial symptom as a potential early intervention candidate. There has been renewed interest in treatments of anhedonia and negative affect by training people to develop greater awareness of and exposure to positive experiences (Craske, Meuret, Ritz, Treanor, & Dour, 2016). This approach emphasizes enhancement of reward processes, including broadening exposure to positive stimuli, rehearsing appreciation of the pleasurable experiences associated with positive events, and deep learning techniques to enhance the sense of pleasure. This strategy is indicated because of evidence that positive affect can impede fear reacquisition after extinction (Zbozinek & Craske, 2017) and that positive affect can serve as a buffer against the adverse mental health effects of chronic stress (Sewart et al., 2019). Importantly, one controlled trial found that training patients with severe depression or anxiety reported greater reductions in negative affect and improvements in positive affect than those who treatment targeted negative affect (Craske et al., 2019). Considering the role of negative affect in the acute period, this intervention offers an opportunity target this risk factor in the acute posttrauma period.

There is also potential is adapting some of the agents used to augment exposure therapy for chronic PTSD to determine if this can facilitate early interventions. Most attempts at augmenting exposure therapy for PTSD have relied on targeting extinction mechanisms by modulating neural processes implicated in the associative learning process, including pharmaocological agents such as d-cycloserine (de Kleine, Hendriks, Kusters, Broekman, & van Minnen, 2012Difede et al., 2014Rothbaum et al., 2014), yohimbine (Tuerk et al., 2018), and MDMA (3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine (Barone, Beck, Mitsunaga-Whitten, & Perl, 2019Mithoefer et al., 2018Ot'alora et al., 2018). Although these attempts have only been marginally beneficial and are yet to be definitively shown to enhance exposure therapy (Lebois, Seligowski, Wolff, Hill, & Ressler, 2019Weisman & Rodebaugh, 2018), they are yet to be properly tested in early intervention frameworks. There is also potential in extending extinction procedures beyond those traditionally studied. For example, there is evidence that PTSD is characterized by greater generalization of fear, reflected in both the common symptoms of fear of stimuli that are reminiscent of the trauma and hypervigilance to a range of potential threats and also experimental evidence that people with PTSD demonstrate greater fear overgeneralized fear conditioning (Kaczkurkin et al., 2017). This raises the possibility that exposure therapy in the acute phase may be augmented by targeting exposure to situations or stimuli that approximate the traumatic event as well as trauma-specific stimuli. Based on studies that the cholinergic system appears to contribute to poor discrimination between danger and related stimuli (Thiel, Bentley, & Dolan, 2002Weinberger, 2007), anticholinergic agencies given at the time of exposure therapy may augment early intervention treatment with those displaying early symptoms of acute posttraumatic stress.

In noting these potential mechanisms, however, there is a need to be cautious about the strength of evidence these factors are significant in fact the mechanisms of change underpinning successful adaptation to trauma. Kazdin (2007) outlined several key criteria for how mechanisms of change should be defined; these include (a) the strength of the associations between an intervention, the purported mediator, and the outcome; (b) specificity of the change mechanism such that the change is not occurring as a result of many other, possibly related, constructs; (c) reliability of the change mechanism across samples and studies; (d) causal proof as shown by experimental manipulation of the proposed mechanism; (e) proof of the temporal sequence of the causes and mediators on the target outcome; (f) a dosage effect such that there is an association between the extent to which the mechanism has been activated and the strength of the outcome; and (g) theoretical plausibility given broader body of knowledge. It should be recognized that our current evidence base for the potential mechanisms that influence successful adaptation to trauma does not currently meet most of the criteria, and so we should be very tentative about claims of how these mechanisms can be utilised in the clinical context until further evidence is obtained.

13.4. Developing more sophisticated prediction models

The capacity for more precise prediction of who will develop PTSD may open new opportunities for targeted early intervention strategies. Although many studies have identified a range of acute symptom, cognitive, and biological factors that can predict later PTSD, this evidence base is traditionally limited by understanding the individual predictive role of these factors rather than considering them in association with each other. There are two advantages in understanding how predictive factors are associated with each other. First, by considering the relationships between predictive factors there is the potential to identify more specifically the mechanisms that should be targeted in early intervention because we can isolate factors that are more causally related to later PTSD by determining their influence over and above related factors. An example of this approach is a recent study that has focused on the role of cognitive factors that we have reviewed above have been shown many times to predict later PTSD. In one multifactorial analysis, this study found that as hypothesized by prevailing cognitive models (Ehlers & Clark, 2000), negative appraisals of the trauma and its sequelae predicted later PTSD both directly and also via maladaptive behavioural and cognitive coping strategies, and that processing of the trauma at the time of the event impacts later PTSD via its effects on later appraisals about oneself, one's environment, and the fragmentation of one's trauma memories; interestingly, including acute symptoms in this model did not improve prediction of later PTSD (Beierl, Bollinghaus, Clark, Glucksman, & Ehlers, 2020). This finding does suggest that early intervention strategies that address negative appraisals, cohesion of the trauma memory, improving coping strategies may be important for facilitating better posttraumatic adjustment.

The second benefit of considering the interplay between acute posttrauma factors that can predict later PTSD is the capacity for more sophisticated statistical modelling to use all available information to derive predictive algorithms that can be used in common acute trauma settings. One of the most commonly studied contexts for acute traumatic stress is emergency rooms, which also collect much routine data on biological indicators that can also be used as markers of acute stress. One recent study used a machine learning approach and tested a predictive model encompassing a range of psychological and biological measures collected in the emergency room, then validated this in a separate large sample, and found that the resulting algorithm achieved 87% accuracy in identifying patients who developed PTSD 12 months after presentation to the emergency room (Schultebraucks et al., 2020). This study found that prediction was best found with a combination of 20 variables that included acute psychological stress reports, combined with biomarkers such as white blood cell count and lymphocytes. Although this approach requires further validation in different settings, it holds the promise of being able to identify people who may benefit from early intervention or at least from ongoing monitoring to determine the trajectory of subsequent psychological health.

13.5. The need for a precision medicine approach

The evidence that there are multiple pathways to developing PTSD highlights that not one form of early intervention will be optimal for all trauma survivors. To date all attempts to limit PTSD by early intervention have focused on a uniform protocol administered to all participants identified as being at risk of PTSD development. There has been considerable attention in recent years on precision psychiatry as a more sophisticated approach to targeting treatments to patients with specific clinical presentations or profiles. Precision medicine is defined as “an emerging approach for treatment and prevention that takes into account each person's variability in genes, environment, and lifestyle” (National Research Council Committee on a Framework for Developing a New Taxonomy of Disease, 2011). Although not a new notion of understanding diseases in terms of the variability between individuals, it has only received focused attention in more recent times. The speed at which precision approaches have been adopted has been much faster in other areas of medicine, such as oncology, and psychiatry is only now embracing a precision approach (Fernandes et al., 2017). In this regard, most work has been done in psychosis and mood disorders (Salazar de Pablo et al., 2020), with most attention focusing on genetic, molecular, and neuroimaging techniques to aid diagnosis and treatment prediction (Williams, 2016).

The precision psychiatry approach can be equally applied to PTSD. This work is in its infancy, with the initial work focusing on genetic (gene PTSD) and neuroimaging (me) approaches to identify people with stress conditions and subtypes of PTSD. The evidence reviewed above indicates that people follow distinct trajectories, and this suggests that a precision psychiatry approach is appropriate for more nuanced screening and early intervention strategies for people shortly after trauma exposure. The study of early intervention for posttraumatic stress has not adequately addressed precision psychiatry approaches and continues to focus on one-size-fits-all programs for screening and interventions. This approach is contrary to the evidence. If early interventions after trauma exposure are to be advanced in a significant way, there is a need for research paradigms to understand the different phenotypes that are present in the acute and chronic phases (e.g. dissocative, hyperaroused, dysphoric), as well as the genetic, neurobiological, cognitive, behavioural, social, and emotional mechanisms that underpin development of the genesis of PTSD following the acute phase. This approach represents an ambitious research agenda but other domains of medicine and psychiatry have shown that it can yield very promising results.

13.6. The role of process therapy

Another approach is to adopt a process therapy approach which does not apply a uniform protocol to all patients but rather tailors the intervention to specific clinical needs (Hofmann & Hayes, 2019). This strategy would not identify trauma survivors simply in terms of the ASD or early PTSD symptoms categorization but would rather identify key acute symptoms or early markers of risk and target them with evidence-based strategies. For example, trauma survivors with re-experiencing symptoms may be provided with emotional processing strategies (e.g. imaginal exposure), avoidance with in vivo exposure, depressive symptoms with behavioural activation, rumination with mindfulness, overgeneral memory with memory specificity training, and anhedonia with positive affect training. The development of precision treatments in mental health have not kept pace with many areas of medicine, and there is much we have to learn about how to match specific treatments with distinct clinical presentations. Nonetheless, matching trauma survivors with primary presenting difficulties with the strategies that optimally meet their needs may provide a new opportunity for greater success in early intervention.

Exceptionality effect is the phenomenon that people associate stronger negative affect with a negative outcome when it is a result of an exception (abnormal behaviour) compared to when it is a result of routine (normal behaviour)

Impact of past behaviour normality: meta-analysis of exceptionality effect. Adrien Fillon, Lucas Kutscher & Gilad Feldman. Cognition and Emotion, Sep 13 2020. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699931.2020.1816910

Abstract: Exceptionality effect is the phenomenon that people associate stronger negative affect with a negative outcome when it is a result of an exception (abnormal behaviour) compared to when it is a result of routine (normal behaviour). In this pre-registered meta-analysis, we examined exceptionality effect in 48 studies (N = 4212). An analysis of 35 experimental studies (n = 3332) showed medium to strong effect (g = 0.60, 95% confidence intervals (CI) [0.41, 0.79]) for past behaviour across several measures (regret/affect: g = 0.66, counterfactual thought: g = 0.39, self-blame: g = 0.44, victim compensation: g = 0.39, offender punishment: g = 0.51). An analysis of 13 one-sample studies presenting a comparison of exceptional and routine behaviours simultaneously (n = 1217) revealed a very strong exceptionality effect (converted g = 1.98, CI [1.57, 2.38]). We tested several theoretical moderators: norm strength, event controllability, outcome rarity, action versus inaction, and status quo. We found that exceptionality effect was stronger when the routine was aligned with the status quo option and with action rather than for inaction. All materials are available on: https://osf.io/542c7/

KEYWORDS: Norm theorynormalityregretpast behaviourexception routinemeta-analysisexceptionality effect


Increasing the minimum wage could result in low loss of headcounts, but a noticeable reduction of lower-pay hours worked

RCTs, Epistemology, and the Minimum Wage: Can experimental evidence clear up the debate on the Minimum wage? Maxwell Tabarrok. Jan 22 2021. https://virginica.substack.com/p/rcts-epistemology-and-the-minimum

The Results

There are four main results: “(1) the wages of hired workers increases, (2) at a sufficiently high minimum wage, the probability of hiring goes down, (3) hours-worked decreases at much lower levels of the minimum wage, and (4) the size of the reductions in hours-worked can be parsimoniously explained in part by the substantial substitution of higher productivity workers for lower productivity workers.”

The significant reductions in hours worked come from two sources according to Horton’s analysis. First, firms are economizing on now more expensive labor; the labor demand curve slopes downward. Second, the substitution of higher productivity workers meant that jobs were completed faster, so the total hours worked went down. Both of these responses to the minimum wage hurt low productivity workers: “I find that workers that had been working for less than the new platform minimum wage raised their wage bids after the platform-wide minimum wage was imposed. These same workers experienced a substantial decrease in their probability of being hired.”

Interestingly, these results are consistent with finding little to no dis-employment effect in an observational study that only measures wages and headcounts (which is what the vast majority of the most popular studies do). This is because almost all of the effects of the minimum wage came from substitution of higher productivity for lower productivity ones, which wouldn’t show up in headcounts, and reduction in hours worked, which is not measured in most conventional data sets.

This finding is also consistent with the predictions of the supply-demand model. Contrary to common understanding, the supply-demand model does not actually predict a dis-employment effect from a minimum wage at all, as explained in Brian Albrecht’s great post. The model does predict a mismatch between how much labor is demanded versus how much is supplied, with deadweight loss resulting from the prevention of positive sum trades. This need not result in unemployment, however, because the supply-demand model describes a market for hours of labor, not for jobs. In our world with large fixed costs for firing and hiring, changing the hours of labor is the natural margin for employers to act on in the face of a minimum wage.

Ultimately, the minimum wage serves as a transfer payment from low productivity workers to high productivity ones. Hardly what supporters of the policy have in mind when they ‘fight for fifteen.’