Development and validation of the Rape Excusing Attitudes and Language Scale. Rebecka K. Hahnel-Peeters, Aaron T. Goetz. Personality and Individual Differences, Volume 186, Part B, February 2022, 111359. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2021.111359
Highlights
• RMA scales often contain empirically supported statements.
• We developed and validated an updated RMA scale across two studies (N = 665).
• Our REAL Scale predicted the same amount of variance in the RVES as revised IRMA.
• Our REAL Scale contained no empirically supported items – unlike other RMA scales.
Abstract: Rape myth acceptance (RMA) is the acceptance of false beliefs, stereotypes, and statements about rape, victims, and perpetrators (Burt, 1980). Rape myths become outdated as we learn more about sexual violence. Therefore, psychometric scales should be updated periodically to reflect the more nuanced phenomenon of rape myth acceptance. Several items in the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMA; Payne et al., 1999; McMahon & Farmer, 2011) may measure knowledge about the rape perpetrator's psychology rather than rape myth acceptance. In current studies we developed and validated an updated rape myth acceptance scale called the Rape Excusing Attitudes and Language (REAL) Scale without items measuring knowledge about rape. Through exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses on two separate datasets (N = 663), the REAL Scale presents a four factor, 20-item scale. We provide evidence of validation through demonstrating the Scale's convergent and discriminative validity by correlating the REAL Scale with the IRMA and the Rape Victim Empathy Scale (RVES; Smith & Frieze, 2003). We argue that the REAL Scale should be adopted in future studies assessing rape myth acceptance because the items explain the same amount of variance in the RVES as the IRMA, but the REAL Scale displays more face validity.
Keywords: Rape mythsRape myth acceptanceRape Excusing Attitudes and Language ScaleIllinois Rape Myth Acceptance ScaleEvolutionary perspective
2. Some rape myths are not actually myths
By arguing that some statements included in the IRMA Scale are not actually myths, we are not endorsing such statements as morally acceptable. Our sole aim is to update the current scale of measurement to accurately assess rape myths, and we are not seeking to minimize victims' experiences of victim blaming.
Ten of the 22 items on the IRMA Scale can be considered empirically supported statements (see Appendix B for all 10 items and references). By “empirically supported statements,” we are referring to statements on rape myth acceptance scales which may be supported as factually true by existing data within the rape literature. An example of these statements includes: “Girls who are caught cheating on their boyfriends sometimes claim it was rape” (McMahon & Farmer, 2011; Payne et al., 1999).
Data about false rape accusations fall into three themes – including alibis (Kanin, 1994). In a case study of reported rapes recanted by the accusers between 1978 and 1987, 56% (n = 27) provided the complainants with an alibi of sorts. A common reason provided by the women in this category included fear of pregnancy by an affair partner. A replication of Kanin's (1994) study found 32.3% (n = 22) of the 68 reports of forcible rape were classified as false by the complainants' false admissions (Kennedy & Witkowski, 2000). Of these 22 reports, 68% (n = 15) served an alibi function. Other archival analyses of false rape accusations corroborate the alibi motivation of unfounded reports (Kelly et al., 2005; O’Neal et al., 2014).
These findings are important for understanding the motivations that lead to false allegations of rape; however, false accusations of rape are likely to be relatively rare and to occur in specific circumstances. Between 2010 and 2016, an estimated 23% of rapes were reported to the police (Department of Justice et al., 2017). When the “unfounded” or “false” reports of rape are defined through the admission of the complainant, such that the complainant must verbally recant their report, roughly 2 to 10% of reports made to the police are deemed to meet this criterion (Lisak et al., 2010; Weiser, 2017). Therefore, while it is highly unlikely that most victims of sexual assault are lying, it is possible that sometimes women who cheat on their boyfriends falsely report rape as an alibi.
2.1. Items assessing knowledge that rape is sexually motivated
The US Department of Justice defines rape as “the penetration, no matter how slight, of the vagina or anus with any body part or object, or oral penetration by a sex organ of another person, without the consent of the victim” (Sullivan et al., 2017; emphasis added). Rape is a sexual act; therefore, the default assumption should be that the underlying (most likely unconscious) motivation of the perpetrator is one of sexual access.
Anybody can be the target of sexual violence; however, women are most likely to be victims of rape compared to other groups (Buss, 2021). Furthermore, sexual victimization of women seems to center around women's peak fecundity (i.e., the age at which it is easiest for women to become pregnant; Lalumière et al., 2005). Women ages 18 to 25 are at higher risk of victimization of rape compared to all other age groups. Additionally, women are more likely to be targets of victimization when they are sexually available (e.g., unmarried and sexually active). See Lalumière et al. (2005) and Thornhill and Palmer (2000) for a full review of victim and perpetrator demographics.
Furthermore, if rape was solely motivated by a perpetrator's desire to hold power and status over their victims, one might expect women of high status and power to be over-represented in victim statistics (Palmer, 1988; Thornhill & Palmer, 2000). This pattern is not reflected by the current data (Aborisade, 2017; Dinos, 2001; Lutnick, 2019; Silbert & Pines, 1981; Springfield, 2000).
If a woman's vulnerability was more important than sexual desire when choosing a target for sexual assault (Groth, 1979), women who were more vulnerable might be more likely to be a victim of rape – regardless of their attractiveness. This argument predicts that women in age groups that are particularly vulnerable (i.e., very young and very old) are the most likely age groups to be targets of sexual victimization. Data do not support this argument. The most vulnerable age groups, those who are younger and those who are older, are the least likely to be targets of sexual victimization (Lalumière et al., 2005; Thornhill & Palmer, 2000). Finally, if rape was a physically violent act and was motivated by hostile feelings toward women (Groth, 1979), the use of force in rapes might be excessive; however, excessive force is only present in a minority of cases. Most sex offenders use only as much force as needed (Burgess & Holmstrom, 1974; Chappell & Singer, 1977; Friis-Rødel et al., 2021; Hagen, 1979; Katz & Mazur, 1979; Schiff, 1971; Smithyman, 1978).
While a perpetrator's motivation for hostility, dominance, and power could be proximate motivators to rape, it is not a necessary nor sufficient explanation of the phenomenon of rape. Interestingly, it was not until Brownmiller's (1975) book Against Our Will that any explanation excluding sexual access was widely accepted (Palmer, 1988). Importantly, our goal is to prevent as many rapes as possible, and while we agree with other researchers that rape is a repugnant act; we disagree on the underlying motivations. Rape is a sexual act by definition. If one wants to claim that rape is not about sexual access, the onus is on them to show that rape is not about sex. We have detailed arguments against the “not sex” motivation of rape; however, the full extent of these arguments is beyond the scope of this paper (for review see Palmer, 1988; Thornhill & Palmer, 2000; Lalumière et al., 2005).
Working from the assumption that rape is ultimately sexually motivated, several statements on the IRMA Scale may not represent rape myths. For instance: “rape happens when a guy’s sex drive goes out of control;” “if a guy is drunk, he might rape someone unintentionally;” “when guys rape, it is usually because of their desire for sex;” and “guys don’t usually intend to force sex on a girl, but sometimes they get too sexually carried away.” These statements may be measuring understanding of the motivations behind rape rather than false beliefs about rape, victims, and perpetrators. Therefore, the validity of the IRMA Scale may be questioned.
The US Department of Justice defines rape as “the penetration, no matter how slight, of the vagina or anus with any body part or object, or oral penetration by a sex organ of another person, without the consent of the victim” (Sullivan et al., 2017; emphasis added). Rape is a sexual act; therefore, the default assumption should be that the underlying (most likely unconscious) motivation of the perpetrator is one of sexual access.
Anybody can be the target of sexual violence; however, women are most likely to be victims of rape compared to other groups (Buss, 2021). Furthermore, sexual victimization of women seems to center around women's peak fecundity (i.e., the age at which it is easiest for women to become pregnant; Lalumière et al., 2005). Women ages 18 to 25 are at higher risk of victimization of rape compared to all other age groups. Additionally, women are more likely to be targets of victimization when they are sexually available (e.g., unmarried and sexually active). See Lalumière et al. (2005) and Thornhill and Palmer (2000) for a full review of victim and perpetrator demographics.
Furthermore, if rape was solely motivated by a perpetrator's desire to hold power and status over their victims, one might expect women of high status and power to be over-represented in victim statistics (Palmer, 1988; Thornhill & Palmer, 2000). This pattern is not reflected by the current data (Aborisade, 2017; Dinos, 2001; Lutnick, 2019; Silbert & Pines, 1981; Springfield, 2000).
If a woman's vulnerability was more important than sexual desire when choosing a target for sexual assault (Groth, 1979), women who were more vulnerable might be more likely to be a victim of rape – regardless of their attractiveness. This argument predicts that women in age groups that are particularly vulnerable (i.e., very young and very old) are the most likely age groups to be targets of sexual victimization. Data do not support this argument. The most vulnerable age groups, those who are younger and those who are older, are the least likely to be targets of sexual victimization (Lalumière et al., 2005; Thornhill & Palmer, 2000). Finally, if rape was a physically violent act and was motivated by hostile feelings toward women (Groth, 1979), the use of force in rapes might be excessive; however, excessive force is only present in a minority of cases. Most sex offenders use only as much force as needed (Burgess & Holmstrom, 1974; Chappell & Singer, 1977; Friis-Rødel et al., 2021; Hagen, 1979; Katz & Mazur, 1979; Schiff, 1971; Smithyman, 1978).
While a perpetrator's motivation for hostility, dominance, and power could be proximate motivators to rape, it is not a necessary nor sufficient explanation of the phenomenon of rape. Interestingly, it was not until Brownmiller's (1975) book Against Our Will that any explanation excluding sexual access was widely accepted (Palmer, 1988). Importantly, our goal is to prevent as many rapes as possible, and while we agree with other researchers that rape is a repugnant act; we disagree on the underlying motivations. Rape is a sexual act by definition. If one wants to claim that rape is not about sexual access, the onus is on them to show that rape is not about sex. We have detailed arguments against the “not sex” motivation of rape; however, the full extent of these arguments is beyond the scope of this paper (for review see Palmer, 1988; Thornhill & Palmer, 2000; Lalumière et al., 2005).
Working from the assumption that rape is ultimately sexually motivated, several statements on the IRMA Scale may not represent rape myths. For instance: “rape happens when a guy’s sex drive goes out of control;” “if a guy is drunk, he might rape someone unintentionally;” “when guys rape, it is usually because of their desire for sex;” and “guys don’t usually intend to force sex on a girl, but sometimes they get too sexually carried away.” These statements may be measuring understanding of the motivations behind rape rather than false beliefs about rape, victims, and perpetrators. Therefore, the validity of the IRMA Scale may be questioned.
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