Does your partner's personality affect your health? Actor and partner effects of the Big Five personality traits. Lynn Williams et al. Personality and Individual Differences, Volume 149, 15 October 2019, Pages 231-234. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2019.06.004
Abstract: The Big Five personality traits are powerful predictors of health and longevity. However, few studies have addressed partner effects of personality on health, whereby the personalities of people close to us affect our health. The current study examined the partner effects of Big Five traits on health behaviours, mood, and quality of life in romantic couples. Here, 182 romantic couples (N = 364 participants; Mage = 35.7 years) completed self-report measures of the Big Five (TIPI), health behaviours (GPHB), mood (DASS-21) and quality of life (WHOQOL-BREF). Data were analysed using the Actor-Partner Interdependence Model and showed significant partner effects of conscientiousness on quality of life. No other partner effects of the Big Five were found. These findings suggest that there are specific, focussed associations between health and a romantic partner's personality.
Thursday, June 20, 2019
Wednesday, June 19, 2019
The predictive effects of fear of being single on physical attractiveness and less selective partner selection strategies
The predictive effects of fear of being single on physical attractiveness and less selective partner selection strategies. Stephanie S. Spielmann et al. Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, June 19, 2019. https://doi.org/10.1177/0265407519856701
Abstract: Fear of being single (FOBS) tends to predict settling for less when seeking a romantic partner. The present research sought to examine whether this is due, at least in part, to lower physical attractiveness among those who fear being single. In a photo-rating study (Study 1, N = 122) and a speed-dating study (Study 2, N = 171), participants completed the FOBS Scale, rated perceptions of their own physical attractiveness, and were then rated on physical attractiveness by a team of raters. In Studies 1 and 2, FOBS was not significantly associated with judge-rated physical attractiveness as a bivariate association or in hierarchical regressions accounting for anxious and avoidant attachments, gender, and smiling. There were mixed findings in both studies regarding the association between FOBS and self-rated physical attractiveness in bivariate versus multivariate analyses. However, the tendency of those with stronger FOBS to be less selective during speed dating was not explained by either their judge-rated or their self-rated physical attractiveness.
Keywords: Fear of being single, physical attractiveness, selectivity, speed dating
Abstract: Fear of being single (FOBS) tends to predict settling for less when seeking a romantic partner. The present research sought to examine whether this is due, at least in part, to lower physical attractiveness among those who fear being single. In a photo-rating study (Study 1, N = 122) and a speed-dating study (Study 2, N = 171), participants completed the FOBS Scale, rated perceptions of their own physical attractiveness, and were then rated on physical attractiveness by a team of raters. In Studies 1 and 2, FOBS was not significantly associated with judge-rated physical attractiveness as a bivariate association or in hierarchical regressions accounting for anxious and avoidant attachments, gender, and smiling. There were mixed findings in both studies regarding the association between FOBS and self-rated physical attractiveness in bivariate versus multivariate analyses. However, the tendency of those with stronger FOBS to be less selective during speed dating was not explained by either their judge-rated or their self-rated physical attractiveness.
Keywords: Fear of being single, physical attractiveness, selectivity, speed dating
Retracted Papers Die Hard, see the Diederik Stapel case and the Enduring Influence of Flawed Science: Stapel’s papers are still cited in a favorable way within and outside the psychological literature
Moris Fernandez, Luis, and Miguel A. Vadillo. 2019. “Retracted Papers Die Hard: Diederik Stapel and the Enduring Influence of Flawed Science.” PsyArXiv. June 19. doi:10.31234/osf.io/cszpy
Abstract: Self-correction is a defining feature of science. However, science’s ability to correct itself is far from optimal as shown, for instance, by the persistent influence of papers that have been retracted due to faulty methods or research misconduct. In this study, we track citations to the retracted work of Diederik Stapel. These citations provide a powerful indicative of the enduring influence of flawed science, as the (admittedly fabricated) data reported in these retracted papers provide no evidence for or against any hypothesis and this case of fraud was widely known due to the extensive media coverage of the scandal. Our data show that Stapel’s papers are still cited in a favorable way within and without the psychological literature. To ameliorate this problem, we propose that papers should be screened during the review process to monitor citations to retracted papers.
Abstract: Self-correction is a defining feature of science. However, science’s ability to correct itself is far from optimal as shown, for instance, by the persistent influence of papers that have been retracted due to faulty methods or research misconduct. In this study, we track citations to the retracted work of Diederik Stapel. These citations provide a powerful indicative of the enduring influence of flawed science, as the (admittedly fabricated) data reported in these retracted papers provide no evidence for or against any hypothesis and this case of fraud was widely known due to the extensive media coverage of the scandal. Our data show that Stapel’s papers are still cited in a favorable way within and without the psychological literature. To ameliorate this problem, we propose that papers should be screened during the review process to monitor citations to retracted papers.
We say we see a lot of news reports about “Politics”, “Science” and “International,” but the categories “Tragedies and Weird news”’ and “Sport” are by far the most visited
The News We Like Are Not the News We Visit: News Categories Popularity in Usage Data. Zied Ben Houidi et al. Vol 13 No 01 (2019): Proceedings of the Thirteenth International Conference on Web and Social Media, 2019-07-06. https://www.aaai.org/ojs/index.php/ICWSM/article/view/3212
Abstract: Most of our knowledge about online news consumption comes from survey-based news market reports, partial usage data from a single editor, or what people publicly share on social networks. This paper complements these sources by presenting the first holistic study of visits across online news outlets that a population uses to read news. We monitor the entire network traffic generated by Internet users in four locations in Italy. Together these users generated 80 million visits to 5.4 million news articles in about one year and a half. This unique view allows us to evaluate how usage data complements existing data sources. We find for instance that only 16% of news visits in our datasets came from online social networks. In addition, the popularity of news categories when considering all visits is quite different from the one when considering only news discovered on social media, or visits to a single major news outlet. Interestingly, a substantial mismatch emerges between self-reported news-category preferences (as measured by Reuters Institute in the same year and same country) and their actual popularity in terms of visits in our datasets. In particular, unlike self-reported preferences expressed by users in surveys that put “Politics”, “Science” and “International” as the most appreciated categories, “Tragedies and Weird news”’ and “Sport” are by far the most visited. We discuss two possible causes of this mismatch and conjecture that the most plausible reason is the disassociation that may occur between individuals’ cognitive values and their cue-triggered attraction.
Abstract: Most of our knowledge about online news consumption comes from survey-based news market reports, partial usage data from a single editor, or what people publicly share on social networks. This paper complements these sources by presenting the first holistic study of visits across online news outlets that a population uses to read news. We monitor the entire network traffic generated by Internet users in four locations in Italy. Together these users generated 80 million visits to 5.4 million news articles in about one year and a half. This unique view allows us to evaluate how usage data complements existing data sources. We find for instance that only 16% of news visits in our datasets came from online social networks. In addition, the popularity of news categories when considering all visits is quite different from the one when considering only news discovered on social media, or visits to a single major news outlet. Interestingly, a substantial mismatch emerges between self-reported news-category preferences (as measured by Reuters Institute in the same year and same country) and their actual popularity in terms of visits in our datasets. In particular, unlike self-reported preferences expressed by users in surveys that put “Politics”, “Science” and “International” as the most appreciated categories, “Tragedies and Weird news”’ and “Sport” are by far the most visited. We discuss two possible causes of this mismatch and conjecture that the most plausible reason is the disassociation that may occur between individuals’ cognitive values and their cue-triggered attraction.
Rolf Degen summarizing: Ironically, it may not be the much-trumpeted echo chambers, but exposure to cross-cutting views that increases the spread of misinformation on social media
Explaining the Spread of Misinformation on Social Media: Evidence
fromthe 2016 U.S. Presidential Election. Pablo Barbera. Note prepared
for the APSA Comparative Politics Newsletter, Fall 2018.
http://pablobarbera.com/static/barbera-CP-note.pdf
Abstract: Over the past few years, concerns about the negative societal consequences of the spreadof misinformation have become widespread. While false news and propaganda are far from being a new phenomenon, the emergence and popularization of social networking platforms appear to have increased the prevalence of false news stories and the speed at which they become viral. False rumors and news stories that were spread on social media have been mentioned as one of the reasons for the recent rise of populist candidates in the U.S. and Europe and as fuel inciting violence against ethnic minorities in countries such as Sri Lanka and Myanmar (see e.g. Taub and Fisher, 2018). The same new technology tools that allowed the pro-democracy groups during the Arab Spring to coordinate and start a revolution are now seemingly giving a platform to conspiracy theorists and extremist actors seeking to manipulate the political agenda in their own financial or political interest. However, we still know relatively little about the extent to which false news are indeed widespread on social media and the extent to which they have a causal effect on individual attitude change or offline violence. This short note offers an overview of the existing empirical evidence regarding the prevalence of misinformation on social media sites and different individual- and contextual-level factors that may explain its diffusion.
Abstract: Over the past few years, concerns about the negative societal consequences of the spreadof misinformation have become widespread. While false news and propaganda are far from being a new phenomenon, the emergence and popularization of social networking platforms appear to have increased the prevalence of false news stories and the speed at which they become viral. False rumors and news stories that were spread on social media have been mentioned as one of the reasons for the recent rise of populist candidates in the U.S. and Europe and as fuel inciting violence against ethnic minorities in countries such as Sri Lanka and Myanmar (see e.g. Taub and Fisher, 2018). The same new technology tools that allowed the pro-democracy groups during the Arab Spring to coordinate and start a revolution are now seemingly giving a platform to conspiracy theorists and extremist actors seeking to manipulate the political agenda in their own financial or political interest. However, we still know relatively little about the extent to which false news are indeed widespread on social media and the extent to which they have a causal effect on individual attitude change or offline violence. This short note offers an overview of the existing empirical evidence regarding the prevalence of misinformation on social media sites and different individual- and contextual-level factors that may explain its diffusion.
Men looking at women: The contrapposto pose was perceived as more attractive than the standing pose
Waist-to-Hip Ratio as Supernormal Stimuli: Effect of Contrapposto Pose and Viewing Angle. Farid Pazhoohi. Archives of Sexual Behavior, June 18 2019. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10508-019-01486-z
Abstract: In women, the waist-to-hip ratio (WHR) is an indicator of attractiveness, health, youthfulness, and reproductive potential. In the current study, we hypothesized that viewing angle and body postures influence the attractiveness of these forms based on the view dependency of WHR stimuli (vdWHR). Using eye tracking, we quantified the number of fixations and dwell time on 3D images of a female avatar in two different poses (standing and contrapposto) from eight viewing angles incrementing in 45 degrees of rotation. A total of 68 heterosexual individuals (25 men and 43 women) participated in the study. Results showed that the contrapposto pose was perceived as more attractive than the standing pose and that lower vdWHR sides of the stimuli attracted more first fixation, total fixations, and dwell time. Overall, the results supported that WHR is view-dependent and vdWHRs lower than optimal WHRs are supernormal stimuli that may generate peak shifts in responding. Results are discussed in terms of the attractiveness of women’s movements (gaits and dance) and augmented artistic presentations.
Abstract: In women, the waist-to-hip ratio (WHR) is an indicator of attractiveness, health, youthfulness, and reproductive potential. In the current study, we hypothesized that viewing angle and body postures influence the attractiveness of these forms based on the view dependency of WHR stimuli (vdWHR). Using eye tracking, we quantified the number of fixations and dwell time on 3D images of a female avatar in two different poses (standing and contrapposto) from eight viewing angles incrementing in 45 degrees of rotation. A total of 68 heterosexual individuals (25 men and 43 women) participated in the study. Results showed that the contrapposto pose was perceived as more attractive than the standing pose and that lower vdWHR sides of the stimuli attracted more first fixation, total fixations, and dwell time. Overall, the results supported that WHR is view-dependent and vdWHRs lower than optimal WHRs are supernormal stimuli that may generate peak shifts in responding. Results are discussed in terms of the attractiveness of women’s movements (gaits and dance) and augmented artistic presentations.
Tuesday, June 18, 2019
How Successful Are Efforts to Maintain Monogamy in Intimate Relationships?
Walk the Line: How Successful Are Efforts to Maintain Monogamy in Intimate Relationships? Brenda H. Lee, Lucia F. O’Sullivan. Archives of Sexual Behavior, June 18 2019. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10508-018-1376-3
Abstract: Monogamy, typically defined as sexual and romantic exclusivity to one partner, is a near-universal expectation in committed intimate relationships in Western societies. Attractive alternative partners are a common threat to monogamous relationships. However, little is known about how individuals strive to protect their relationships from tempting alternatives, particularly those embedded in one’s social network. The current exploratory study was guided by the Investment Model, which states that satisfaction, investments, and perceived alternatives to a relationship predict commitment, which in turn predicts relationship longevity. The study aimed to identify relationship and extradyadic attraction characteristics associated with monogamy maintenance efforts, specifically relationship commitment, as predicted by the Investment Model. The efficacy of monogamy maintenance efforts was assessed via sexual and emotional infidelity measures at a 2-month follow-up. U.S. adults in heterosexual intimate relationships (N = 287; 50.2% male; M age = 34.5 years; M relationship length = 87 months) were recruited online to complete the survey study. Through structural equation modelling, the Investment Model structure was replicated, and relationship commitment predicted use of relationship-enhancing efforts as well as self-monitoring/derogation efforts. Individuals who experienced reciprocated attraction used significantly more avoidance and self-monitoring/derogation efforts than did those who experienced unreciprocated attraction. Ultimately, monogamy maintenance efforts did not significantly predict success in maintaining monogamy at follow-up. These findings have important research, educational, and clinical implications relating to relationship longevity.
Abstract: Monogamy, typically defined as sexual and romantic exclusivity to one partner, is a near-universal expectation in committed intimate relationships in Western societies. Attractive alternative partners are a common threat to monogamous relationships. However, little is known about how individuals strive to protect their relationships from tempting alternatives, particularly those embedded in one’s social network. The current exploratory study was guided by the Investment Model, which states that satisfaction, investments, and perceived alternatives to a relationship predict commitment, which in turn predicts relationship longevity. The study aimed to identify relationship and extradyadic attraction characteristics associated with monogamy maintenance efforts, specifically relationship commitment, as predicted by the Investment Model. The efficacy of monogamy maintenance efforts was assessed via sexual and emotional infidelity measures at a 2-month follow-up. U.S. adults in heterosexual intimate relationships (N = 287; 50.2% male; M age = 34.5 years; M relationship length = 87 months) were recruited online to complete the survey study. Through structural equation modelling, the Investment Model structure was replicated, and relationship commitment predicted use of relationship-enhancing efforts as well as self-monitoring/derogation efforts. Individuals who experienced reciprocated attraction used significantly more avoidance and self-monitoring/derogation efforts than did those who experienced unreciprocated attraction. Ultimately, monogamy maintenance efforts did not significantly predict success in maintaining monogamy at follow-up. These findings have important research, educational, and clinical implications relating to relationship longevity.
Moralistic punishment signals trustworthiness to observers. But why punish when nobody is watching?
Signaling when no one is watching: A reputation heuristics account of outrage and punishment in one-shot anonymous interactions. Jillian Jacob Jordan, David G. Rand. Human Behavior and Evolution Society 31st annual meeting. Boston 2019. http://tiny.cc/aa1w6y
Abstract: Moralistic punishment signals trustworthiness to observers. But why punish when nobody is watching? We propose that reputation concerns shape outrage and punishment even in anonymous interactions, because people employ the heuristic that somebody is usually watching. In anonymous experiments, subjects (n = 8440) are more outraged by selfishness when they cannot signal their trustworthiness through direct prosociality (sharing money)—such that if somebody were watching, punishment would have greater signaling value. Additionally, mediation analyses suggest that sharing opportunities reduce outrage by decreasing reputation concerns. Furthermore, anonymous experiments measuring costly punishment (n = 6076) show the same pattern: subjects punish more when sharing is not possible. And moderation analyses suggest that sharing opportunities do not merely reduce outrage and punishment by inducing empathy towards selfishness or hypocrisy aversion among non-sharers. Finally, supporting the role of heuristics: less deliberative individuals (who typically rely more on heuristics) are more sensitive to sharing opportunities in anonymous punishment experiments, but, critically, not in punishment experiments where reputation is at stake (n = 3422); and not in our anonymous outrage experiments (where condemning is costless). Together, our results suggest that when nobody is watching, reputation cues shape outrage and—among individuals who rely on heuristics—costly punishment.
https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2969063
https://osf.io/7z8b6
---Final version:
Signaling when no one is watching: A reputation heuristics account of outrage and punishment in one-shot anonymous interactions. Jordan, Jillian J.,Rand, David G. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Apr 15 , 2019 [Correction Notice: An Erratum for this article was reported online in Journal of Personality and Social Psychology on Jul 22 2019 (see record 2019-43753-001). http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000186
Abstract: Moralistic punishment can confer reputation benefits by signaling trustworthiness to observers. However, why do people punish even when nobody is watching? We argue that people often rely on the heuristic that reputation is typically at stake, such that reputation concerns can shape moralistic outrage and punishment even in one-shot anonymous interactions. We then support this account using data from Amazon Mechanical Turk. In anonymous experiments, subjects (total n = 8,440) report more outrage in response to others’ selfishness when they cannot signal their trustworthiness through direct prosociality (sharing with a third party)—such that if the interaction were not anonymous, punishment would have greater signaling value. Furthermore, mediation analyses suggest that sharing opportunities reduce outrage by influencing reputation concerns. Additionally, anonymous experiments measuring costly punishment (total n = 6,076) show the same pattern: subjects punish more when sharing is not possible. Moreover, and importantly, moderation analyses provide some evidence that sharing opportunities do not merely reduce outrage and punishment by inducing empathy toward selfishness or hypocrisy aversion among non-sharers. Finally, we support the specific role of heuristics by investigating individual differences in deliberateness. Less deliberative individuals (who typically rely more on heuristics) are more sensitive to sharing opportunities in our anonymous punishment experiments, but, critically, not in punishment experiments where reputation is at stake (total n = 3,422); and not in our anonymous outrage experiments (where condemning is costless). Together, our results suggest that when nobody is watching, reputation cues nonetheless can shape outrage and—among individuals who rely on heuristics—costly punishment.
Keywords: signaling, third-party punishment, morality, trustworthiness, anger
Supplemental materials: http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000186.supp
Abstract: Moralistic punishment signals trustworthiness to observers. But why punish when nobody is watching? We propose that reputation concerns shape outrage and punishment even in anonymous interactions, because people employ the heuristic that somebody is usually watching. In anonymous experiments, subjects (n = 8440) are more outraged by selfishness when they cannot signal their trustworthiness through direct prosociality (sharing money)—such that if somebody were watching, punishment would have greater signaling value. Additionally, mediation analyses suggest that sharing opportunities reduce outrage by decreasing reputation concerns. Furthermore, anonymous experiments measuring costly punishment (n = 6076) show the same pattern: subjects punish more when sharing is not possible. And moderation analyses suggest that sharing opportunities do not merely reduce outrage and punishment by inducing empathy towards selfishness or hypocrisy aversion among non-sharers. Finally, supporting the role of heuristics: less deliberative individuals (who typically rely more on heuristics) are more sensitive to sharing opportunities in anonymous punishment experiments, but, critically, not in punishment experiments where reputation is at stake (n = 3422); and not in our anonymous outrage experiments (where condemning is costless). Together, our results suggest that when nobody is watching, reputation cues shape outrage and—among individuals who rely on heuristics—costly punishment.
https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2969063
https://osf.io/7z8b6
---Final version:
Signaling when no one is watching: A reputation heuristics account of outrage and punishment in one-shot anonymous interactions. Jordan, Jillian J.,Rand, David G. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Apr 15 , 2019 [Correction Notice: An Erratum for this article was reported online in Journal of Personality and Social Psychology on Jul 22 2019 (see record 2019-43753-001). http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000186
Abstract: Moralistic punishment can confer reputation benefits by signaling trustworthiness to observers. However, why do people punish even when nobody is watching? We argue that people often rely on the heuristic that reputation is typically at stake, such that reputation concerns can shape moralistic outrage and punishment even in one-shot anonymous interactions. We then support this account using data from Amazon Mechanical Turk. In anonymous experiments, subjects (total n = 8,440) report more outrage in response to others’ selfishness when they cannot signal their trustworthiness through direct prosociality (sharing with a third party)—such that if the interaction were not anonymous, punishment would have greater signaling value. Furthermore, mediation analyses suggest that sharing opportunities reduce outrage by influencing reputation concerns. Additionally, anonymous experiments measuring costly punishment (total n = 6,076) show the same pattern: subjects punish more when sharing is not possible. Moreover, and importantly, moderation analyses provide some evidence that sharing opportunities do not merely reduce outrage and punishment by inducing empathy toward selfishness or hypocrisy aversion among non-sharers. Finally, we support the specific role of heuristics by investigating individual differences in deliberateness. Less deliberative individuals (who typically rely more on heuristics) are more sensitive to sharing opportunities in our anonymous punishment experiments, but, critically, not in punishment experiments where reputation is at stake (total n = 3,422); and not in our anonymous outrage experiments (where condemning is costless). Together, our results suggest that when nobody is watching, reputation cues nonetheless can shape outrage and—among individuals who rely on heuristics—costly punishment.
Keywords: signaling, third-party punishment, morality, trustworthiness, anger
Supplemental materials: http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000186.supp
Compensating victims of unfairness leads to greater reputational and cooperative benefits than punishing perpetrators; even people who themselves prefer to punish still prefer social partners who compensate
Reputational and cooperative benefits of third-party compensation. Indrajeet Patil, Nathan Dhaliwal, Fiery Cushman. Human Behavior and Evolution Society 31st annual meeting. Boston 2019. http://tiny.cc/aa1w6y
Abstract: Humans sometimes intervene in moral conflicts between others—so-called “third-party responding”. Sometimes third parties punish perpetrators; other times they provide aid to victims. Across 24 studies (N > 20,000), we provide a comprehensive examination of the different benefits third-parties accrue based on their choice between these two forms of response, as well as third-parties’ understanding of those benefits. We find that compensating victims leads to greater reputational and cooperative benefits than punishing perpetrators. In fact, even people who themselves prefer to punish still prefer social partners who compensate. We also find that the signal that is sent via third-party compensating may be an honest signal of trustworthiness. Furthermore, we find that people accurately anticipate that observers would prefer them to compensate victims than to punish perpetrators and that participants personal decisions about whether to compensate or punish is based in part on the belief that the social norm is to compensate. Finally, we find that this selective preference for a compensation strategy is limited to fairness violations and does not extend to harm violations. These findings provide an extensive analysis of the causes and consequences of third-party responding to moral violations.
https://psyarxiv.com/c3bsj
https://osf.io/yhbrc
Abstract: Humans sometimes intervene in moral conflicts between others—so-called “third-party responding”. Sometimes third parties punish perpetrators; other times they provide aid to victims. Across 24 studies (N > 20,000), we provide a comprehensive examination of the different benefits third-parties accrue based on their choice between these two forms of response, as well as third-parties’ understanding of those benefits. We find that compensating victims leads to greater reputational and cooperative benefits than punishing perpetrators. In fact, even people who themselves prefer to punish still prefer social partners who compensate. We also find that the signal that is sent via third-party compensating may be an honest signal of trustworthiness. Furthermore, we find that people accurately anticipate that observers would prefer them to compensate victims than to punish perpetrators and that participants personal decisions about whether to compensate or punish is based in part on the belief that the social norm is to compensate. Finally, we find that this selective preference for a compensation strategy is limited to fairness violations and does not extend to harm violations. These findings provide an extensive analysis of the causes and consequences of third-party responding to moral violations.
https://psyarxiv.com/c3bsj
https://osf.io/yhbrc
Women used more voice messaging, but not more texts, to text relatives, family (d=0.34), and same-sex friends more; ment sent voice messaging more to opposite-sex friends
Who is the loudest in the communication jungle? An evolutionary perspective on mobile instant messaging. Dorothea Cosima Adler, Benjamin Philip Lange. Human Behavior and Evolution Society 31st annual meeting. Boston 2019. http://tiny.cc/aa1w6y
Abstract: A world without smartphones and mobile instant messaging (mim) via texting or voice messaging (vm) is unthinkable. While texting has already been investigated (e.g., Sultan, 2014), vm has not. It can be assumed that both channels fulfil different purposes. Taking an evolutionary perspective, sex differences in channel choice, motives, and target groups are assumed. Generally, women should use more mim (especially vm) with only one exception: Men should send more vm to the opposite sex. Two online studies were conducted (Study 1: N=317, 232 f; Study 2: N=307,197 f). Study 1. Women used more mim (d=0.30) and liked texting (d=0.23), and vm more (d=0.22). No sex differences emerged on frequency or length of vm/texts. Study 2. Women used more vm (d=0.26), but not more texts. They texted relatives (d=0.70), family (d=0.34), and same-sex friends more (d=0.72) and scored higher on several motives (e.g., intimacy motive in vm, d=0.41). Men sent vm more to opposite-sex friends (d=-0.51; all ps<.05, one-tailed). Our study is the first empirical study that gives insights into sex differences in channel choice of mim from an evolutionary perspective. Further differences (e.g., personality) will be presented at the conference.
Abstract: A world without smartphones and mobile instant messaging (mim) via texting or voice messaging (vm) is unthinkable. While texting has already been investigated (e.g., Sultan, 2014), vm has not. It can be assumed that both channels fulfil different purposes. Taking an evolutionary perspective, sex differences in channel choice, motives, and target groups are assumed. Generally, women should use more mim (especially vm) with only one exception: Men should send more vm to the opposite sex. Two online studies were conducted (Study 1: N=317, 232 f; Study 2: N=307,197 f). Study 1. Women used more mim (d=0.30) and liked texting (d=0.23), and vm more (d=0.22). No sex differences emerged on frequency or length of vm/texts. Study 2. Women used more vm (d=0.26), but not more texts. They texted relatives (d=0.70), family (d=0.34), and same-sex friends more (d=0.72) and scored higher on several motives (e.g., intimacy motive in vm, d=0.41). Men sent vm more to opposite-sex friends (d=-0.51; all ps<.05, one-tailed). Our study is the first empirical study that gives insights into sex differences in channel choice of mim from an evolutionary perspective. Further differences (e.g., personality) will be presented at the conference.
Pathogen disgust sensitivity changes according to the perceived harshness of the environment
Pathogen disgust sensitivity changes according to the perceived harshness of the environment. Carlota Batres, David I Perrett. Human Behavior and Evolution Society 31st annual meeting. Boston 2019. http://tiny.cc/aa1w6y
Abstract: Much research has explored behaviours that are linked with disgust sensitivity. Few studies, however, have been devoted to understanding how fixed or variable disgust sensitivity is. We therefore aimed to examine whether disgust sensitivity can change with the environment by repeatedly testing university students whose environment was not changing as well as university student cadets undergoing intensive training at an army camp. We found that an increase in the perceived harshness of the environment was associated with a decrease in pathogen disgust sensitivity. Our results support the idea that disgust sensitivity is malleable depending on the environment. More specifically, we propose that in a harsh environment, where survival may be more difficult, pathogen disgust sensitivity may decrease to allow the consumption of available resources.
Abstract: Much research has explored behaviours that are linked with disgust sensitivity. Few studies, however, have been devoted to understanding how fixed or variable disgust sensitivity is. We therefore aimed to examine whether disgust sensitivity can change with the environment by repeatedly testing university students whose environment was not changing as well as university student cadets undergoing intensive training at an army camp. We found that an increase in the perceived harshness of the environment was associated with a decrease in pathogen disgust sensitivity. Our results support the idea that disgust sensitivity is malleable depending on the environment. More specifically, we propose that in a harsh environment, where survival may be more difficult, pathogen disgust sensitivity may decrease to allow the consumption of available resources.
People prioritize expected growth over expected value
People prioritize expected growth over expected value. Adam Bear, Dorsa Amir, Matthew R. Jordan, Fiery Cushman. Human Behavior and Evolution Society 31st annual meeting. Boston 2019. http://tiny.cc/aa1w6y
Abstract: How should people make decisions? A voluminous literature dating back to Bernoulli suggests that people should maximize expected utility. According to this theory, we should prefer an investment that, at every time step, either grows by 40% or shrinks by 30% to an investment that grows by 10% or shrinks by 5%. But while the former investment offers a higher average return over time, the latter investment is expected to grow over time at a faster rate, as characterized by the geometric mean of its payoffs (Peters & Gell-Mann, 2016). Given that this growth rate will largely determine which people or traits survive over evolutionary time, we hypothesized that people’s investment decisions would prioritize this quantity over the more familiar expected value. In a first experiment, we show that people prefer a ‘safe’ investment to its riskier, but higher expected-value, counterpart when this safe investment has a faster growth rate. However, when the riskier investment has a faster growth rate than the safer investment, this pattern reverses: people are more likely to take the risk. These findings provide initial evidence, consistent with evolution, that people may rationally prioritize the long-run growth of a process over simple expected value.
Abstract: How should people make decisions? A voluminous literature dating back to Bernoulli suggests that people should maximize expected utility. According to this theory, we should prefer an investment that, at every time step, either grows by 40% or shrinks by 30% to an investment that grows by 10% or shrinks by 5%. But while the former investment offers a higher average return over time, the latter investment is expected to grow over time at a faster rate, as characterized by the geometric mean of its payoffs (Peters & Gell-Mann, 2016). Given that this growth rate will largely determine which people or traits survive over evolutionary time, we hypothesized that people’s investment decisions would prioritize this quantity over the more familiar expected value. In a first experiment, we show that people prefer a ‘safe’ investment to its riskier, but higher expected-value, counterpart when this safe investment has a faster growth rate. However, when the riskier investment has a faster growth rate than the safer investment, this pattern reverses: people are more likely to take the risk. These findings provide initial evidence, consistent with evolution, that people may rationally prioritize the long-run growth of a process over simple expected value.
A functional affordance-management approach to stigma-by-association: Does stigma transfer depend on type of stigma?
A functional affordance-management approach to stigma-by-association: Does stigma transfer depend on type of stigma? Jarrod Bock, Jaimie Arona Krems. Human Behavior and Evolution Society 31st annual meeting. Boston 2019. http://tiny.cc/aa1w6y
Abstract: Social psychological descriptions of stigma-by-association suggest that, because we devalue and/or dislike stigmatized people, we will devalue and/or dislike their traditionally non-stigmatized associates. However, functional approaches to stigma imply that people hold qualitatively distinct prejudices—rather than generalized devaluation or dislike—which are underlain by the qualitatively distinct threats that stigmatized people are perceived to afford. For example, whereas we might equally stigmatize them, we may perceive Black men as threats to physical safety and religious fundamentalists as threats to freedoms. We ask: If different stigmas represent different, specific threats, (1) which stigmas are transferred and (2) do all stigmas transfer equally? Across three experiments, participants read one of several vignettes describing an average White male (Brad), Brad and a similar friend (control), or Brad and a stigmatized friend (e.g., African-American male, religious fundamentalist), reporting the extent to which Brad—and/or his friend—evoked various threats and affective reactions. We investigated the prediction that, whereas, (1) the generalized stigma might be transferred to Brad when he has a stigmatized friend, (2) the specific stigmas transferred to Brad—and their affective reactions (e.g., fear, anger)—will vary as a function of the specific threat Brad’s friend is perceived to afford.
Abstract: Social psychological descriptions of stigma-by-association suggest that, because we devalue and/or dislike stigmatized people, we will devalue and/or dislike their traditionally non-stigmatized associates. However, functional approaches to stigma imply that people hold qualitatively distinct prejudices—rather than generalized devaluation or dislike—which are underlain by the qualitatively distinct threats that stigmatized people are perceived to afford. For example, whereas we might equally stigmatize them, we may perceive Black men as threats to physical safety and religious fundamentalists as threats to freedoms. We ask: If different stigmas represent different, specific threats, (1) which stigmas are transferred and (2) do all stigmas transfer equally? Across three experiments, participants read one of several vignettes describing an average White male (Brad), Brad and a similar friend (control), or Brad and a stigmatized friend (e.g., African-American male, religious fundamentalist), reporting the extent to which Brad—and/or his friend—evoked various threats and affective reactions. We investigated the prediction that, whereas, (1) the generalized stigma might be transferred to Brad when he has a stigmatized friend, (2) the specific stigmas transferred to Brad—and their affective reactions (e.g., fear, anger)—will vary as a function of the specific threat Brad’s friend is perceived to afford.
Tinder users had higher scores on the Dark Triad traits and sociosexuality, compared to non-users; those significantly showed greater motivation to use Tinder for short-term mating
The Dark Side of Tinder: The Dark Triad of Personality as Correlates of Tinder Use. Barış Sevi. Journal of Individual Differences, June 17, 2019. https://doi.org/10.1027/1614-0001/a000297
Abstract: Tinder is the leading online dating application. This study (N = 271) explored the Dark Triad personality traits (i.e., Machiavellianism, narcissism, and psychopathy) and sociosexuality as correlates of Tinder use. The results revealed that Tinder users had higher scores on the Dark Triad traits and sociosexuality, compared to non-users. Also, Tinder users with higher scores on the Dark Triad traits and sociosexuality significantly showed greater motivation to use Tinder for short-term mating; however, there was no significant relation with Tinder use and motivation for long-term mating. This finding supports the idea that Tinder can be a new venue for people high on the Dark Triad to pursue their short-term mating strategies.
Keywords: tinder, dark triad, sociosexuality, sexual strategies, online dating
Abstract: Tinder is the leading online dating application. This study (N = 271) explored the Dark Triad personality traits (i.e., Machiavellianism, narcissism, and psychopathy) and sociosexuality as correlates of Tinder use. The results revealed that Tinder users had higher scores on the Dark Triad traits and sociosexuality, compared to non-users. Also, Tinder users with higher scores on the Dark Triad traits and sociosexuality significantly showed greater motivation to use Tinder for short-term mating; however, there was no significant relation with Tinder use and motivation for long-term mating. This finding supports the idea that Tinder can be a new venue for people high on the Dark Triad to pursue their short-term mating strategies.
Keywords: tinder, dark triad, sociosexuality, sexual strategies, online dating
Monday, June 17, 2019
Political differences in free will are largely explicable through differing desires to blame, rather than reflecting some genuine disagreement about the metaphysics of human freedom
Everett, Jim A. C., Cory J. Clark, Peter Meindl, Jamie B. Luguri, Brian D. Earp, Peter Ditto, Jesse Graham, et al. 2019. “Political Differences in Free Will Are Driven by Differences in Moralization.” PsyArXiv. June 17. doi:10.31234/osf.io/ms8p
Abstract: In fourteen studies, we tested whether political conservatives’ stronger free will beliefs are driven by stronger and broader tendencies to moralize, and thus a greater motivation to assign responsibility. In Study 1 (meta-analysis of five studies, n = 308,499) we show that conservatives have stronger tendencies to moralize than liberals, even for moralization measures containing zero political content (e.g., moral badness ratings of faces and personality traits). In Study 2, show that conservatives report higher free will belief, and this is mediated by the belief that people should be held morally responsible for their bad behaviour (n = 14,707). In Study 3, we show that political conservatism is associated with higher attributions of free will for specific events. Turning to experimental manipulations of our hypothesis, we show that when conservatives and liberals see an action as equally wrong there is no difference in free will attributions (Study 4); that when conservatives see an action as less wrong than liberals, they attribute less free will (Study 5); and that specific perceptions of wrongness mediate the relationship between political ideology and free will attributions (Study 6a and 6b). Finally, we show that political conservatives and liberals even differentially attribute free will for the same action depending on who performed it (Studies 7a-d). Together, our results suggest political differences in free will are largely explicable through motivated reasoning and differing desires to blame, rather than reflecting some genuine disagreement about the metaphysical nature of human freedom. Higher free will beliefs among conservatives may be explained by conservatives’ tendency to moralize, which strengthens motivation to justify blame with stronger belief in free will and personal accountability.
---
Liberals and conservatives characteristically view the relationship between the
individual and society in different terms. Whereas liberal (i.e. left-wing) ideology has often
focused on the role of social institutions and other external forces in shaping individual
behavior, conservative (i.e. right wing) thinking tends to emphasize the importance of
personal responsibility (Eidelman, Crandall, Goodman, & Blanchar, 2012; Jost, Nosek, &
Gosling, 2008; Skitka, Mullen, Griffin, Hutchinson, & Chamberlin, 2002; Skitka & Tetlock,
1992, 1993). According to the conservative view, individuals should take responsibility for
the course of their own lives and refrain from expecting others to solve their problems. In
addition to being explicitly championed by prominent conservative leaders (Cameron, 2010;
Reagan, 1968; Thatcher, 1981), a focus on personal responsibility seems to pervade the
thinking of everyday conservatives as well (Carey & Paulhus, 2013). Research has shown
that conservatives are more likely than liberals to make dispositional attributions of
responsibility in a number of key areas, including poverty (Zucker & Weiner, 1993),
unemployment (Feather, 1985), obesity (Crandall, 1994), and even intelligence (Skitka et al.,
2002).
In addition to judging that others are more responsible for their actions, recent
research by Carey and Paulhus (2013) has suggested that conservatives also believe that
others have more free will. Political conservatism is not merely associated with thinking that
others are more responsible for their specific actions, but also with thinking that they have
more autonomous control over their behavior in general. Across three studies, Carey and
Paulhus (2013) found that belief in free will was associated with traditional conservative
attitudes as well as with an increased importance attached to the three ‘conservative’ moral
foundations (loyalty, authority, sanctity). Why might this be so?
We suggest that the relationship between political orientation and free will belief
might be parsimoniously explained by motivated social cognition. This hypothesis is derived
from two areas of research. First, recent research has demonstrated that free will beliefs are
motivated by desires to punish others (Clark et al., 2014) and to justify holding them morally
responsible (Clark, Baumeister, & Ditto, 2017), which recently has been replicated and
confirmed in meta-analyses (Clark, Winegard, & Shariff, 2019). Second, political
conservatives have a tendency to moralize a wider scope of actions than their liberal
counterparts (Graham et al., 2013; Graham, Haidt, & Nosek, 2009; Graham et al., 2011).
Combining these two areas of research, we suggest that conservatives report greater belief in
free will and attribute more free will to people than do liberals because conservatives
recognize a wider spectrum of transgressions for which moral responsibility must be assigned
and moral blame attributed.
Motivated Beliefs in Free Will
What do we mean by “free will?” In this paper, we draw on an understanding of free
will that has both been articulated by philosophers and seems to track the intuitions of laypeople.
In line with previous empirical work in this area, we use the term “free will” to refer
to an autonomous choice of action that a person performs in the absence of substantial
internal and external constraints (Baumeister & Monroe, 2014; Paulhus & Carey, 2011),
where this ability to choose renders one morally responsible for their actions (Nichols, 2007;
Nichols & Knobe, 2007). Free will, in other words, can be understood as responsibility -
making autonomy. Note that the concept of free will distinct from the concept of attributions
in social psychology (e.g. Skitka et al., 2002; Zucker & Weiner, 1993), and this can broadly
be related to the philosophical distinction between reasons and causes. Attributions are
reasons, and help answer the question of what the reason is for why a person performed a
given action. In social psychology, work on attribution has focused on two main kinds of
reasons: dispositional attributions (the person did it because of the kind of person they are);
and situational attributions (the person did it because of the situation they were placed in). In
contrast, the concept of free will relates to causes, which can partially include reasons but
also ultimate level causal factors (e.g. it was determined by genes). To illustrate: it is
perfectly plausible to say that someone stole something because they are a selfish person (a
dispositional attribution), but that because their selfishness was genetically determined (an
attribution of free will), they did not have free and thus were not personally responsible.
Assuming this definition of free will of responsibility-making autonomy, what would
it mean for belief in free will to be “motivated,” as we suggested? Motivated social cognition
refers to the well-documented tendency for desired conclusions to organize judgment
processes in a top-down fashion that favors evidence for the conclusions people prefer (Ditto,
Pizarro, & Tannenbaum, 2009). When reasoning about the world, people often act more like
intuitive lawyers than intuitive scientists, such that their desired beliefs influence their actual
beliefs (Baumeister & Newman, 1994; Haidt, 2001, 2012). In moral reasoning, desires to
blame and to hold individuals morally responsible compel people to produce rational
explanations that would justify their moral judgments (Alicke, 2000; Clark, Chen, & Ditto,
2015). Indeed, a growing body of research has demonstrated that the desire to hold
individuals morally accountable for their immoral behaviors can lead to motivated judgments
that such immoral behaviors are intended, under the agent’s control, and freely chosen
(Alicke, 1992, 2000; Alicke, Rose, & Bloom, 2011; Clark et al., 2014; Clark, Bauman,
Kamble, & Knowles, 2017; Clark, Winegard, & Baumeister, 2019; Cushman, Knobe, &
Sinnott-Armstrong, 2008; Hamlin & Baron, 2014; Knobe, 2003; Knobe & Fraser, 2008;
Leslie, Knobe, & Cohen, 2006; Phillips & Knobe, 2009).
But how might belief in free will, specifically, be seen as a form of motivated social
cognition? Across five studies, Clark et al. (2014) used a range of methods – experimental,
correlational, and archival – to test the hypothesis that a key motivation underlying belief in
human free will is the desire to hold others morally responsible for their behavior. For
example, telling students that a fellow classmate had cheated on a recent exam increased
belief in free will on a standard measure of global free will belief; and countries with higher
homicide rates were also found to express higher levels of free will belief. Clark et al (2014)
concluded that free will belief is not an abstract, invariant phenomenon, but is rather driven,
at least in part, by a motivated desire to hold others morally responsible for their wrongful
behaviors, the strength of which varies across time and situation.
The focus on wrongful behaviors may have a straightforward explanation. Put simply,
across a broad range of psychological phenomena, “bad is stronger than good” (Baumeister,
Bratslavsky, Finkenauer, & Vohs, 2001, p. 1), meaning that people tend to notice, and give
greater weight to, negative actions and outcomes than positive ones. For example, research
has repeatedly shown a praise-blame asymmetry in judgments of intentional action: people
are more inclined to say that a behavior with negative side-effects was performed
intentionally than an identical action with positive side-effects (Knobe, 2003; Pettit & Knobe,
2009). Motivated judgments of others’ behavior are most pronounced in – and perhaps even
driven by – cases in which the behavior is seen as harmful (Alicke, Buckingham, Zell, &
Davis, 2008). All else being equal, the desire to blame another for bad behavior is more
potent than the desire to praise another for their good behavior (Clark, Shniderman,
Baumeister, Luguri, & Ditto, 2018). As Baumeister et al. (2001) note, while a general
explanation for this effect is hard to come by given its inherent generality across a broad
range of psychological phenomena, it is likely that a tendency to pay greater attention to bad
actions and outcomes than good ones will have been evolutionarily adaptive because survival
often requires more urgent attention to possible bad outcomes (e.g. a predator behind you)
than possible good outcomes (e.g. a berry bush behind you).
Abstract: In fourteen studies, we tested whether political conservatives’ stronger free will beliefs are driven by stronger and broader tendencies to moralize, and thus a greater motivation to assign responsibility. In Study 1 (meta-analysis of five studies, n = 308,499) we show that conservatives have stronger tendencies to moralize than liberals, even for moralization measures containing zero political content (e.g., moral badness ratings of faces and personality traits). In Study 2, show that conservatives report higher free will belief, and this is mediated by the belief that people should be held morally responsible for their bad behaviour (n = 14,707). In Study 3, we show that political conservatism is associated with higher attributions of free will for specific events. Turning to experimental manipulations of our hypothesis, we show that when conservatives and liberals see an action as equally wrong there is no difference in free will attributions (Study 4); that when conservatives see an action as less wrong than liberals, they attribute less free will (Study 5); and that specific perceptions of wrongness mediate the relationship between political ideology and free will attributions (Study 6a and 6b). Finally, we show that political conservatives and liberals even differentially attribute free will for the same action depending on who performed it (Studies 7a-d). Together, our results suggest political differences in free will are largely explicable through motivated reasoning and differing desires to blame, rather than reflecting some genuine disagreement about the metaphysical nature of human freedom. Higher free will beliefs among conservatives may be explained by conservatives’ tendency to moralize, which strengthens motivation to justify blame with stronger belief in free will and personal accountability.
---
Liberals and conservatives characteristically view the relationship between the
individual and society in different terms. Whereas liberal (i.e. left-wing) ideology has often
focused on the role of social institutions and other external forces in shaping individual
behavior, conservative (i.e. right wing) thinking tends to emphasize the importance of
personal responsibility (Eidelman, Crandall, Goodman, & Blanchar, 2012; Jost, Nosek, &
Gosling, 2008; Skitka, Mullen, Griffin, Hutchinson, & Chamberlin, 2002; Skitka & Tetlock,
1992, 1993). According to the conservative view, individuals should take responsibility for
the course of their own lives and refrain from expecting others to solve their problems. In
addition to being explicitly championed by prominent conservative leaders (Cameron, 2010;
Reagan, 1968; Thatcher, 1981), a focus on personal responsibility seems to pervade the
thinking of everyday conservatives as well (Carey & Paulhus, 2013). Research has shown
that conservatives are more likely than liberals to make dispositional attributions of
responsibility in a number of key areas, including poverty (Zucker & Weiner, 1993),
unemployment (Feather, 1985), obesity (Crandall, 1994), and even intelligence (Skitka et al.,
2002).
In addition to judging that others are more responsible for their actions, recent
research by Carey and Paulhus (2013) has suggested that conservatives also believe that
others have more free will. Political conservatism is not merely associated with thinking that
others are more responsible for their specific actions, but also with thinking that they have
more autonomous control over their behavior in general. Across three studies, Carey and
Paulhus (2013) found that belief in free will was associated with traditional conservative
attitudes as well as with an increased importance attached to the three ‘conservative’ moral
foundations (loyalty, authority, sanctity). Why might this be so?
We suggest that the relationship between political orientation and free will belief
might be parsimoniously explained by motivated social cognition. This hypothesis is derived
from two areas of research. First, recent research has demonstrated that free will beliefs are
motivated by desires to punish others (Clark et al., 2014) and to justify holding them morally
responsible (Clark, Baumeister, & Ditto, 2017), which recently has been replicated and
confirmed in meta-analyses (Clark, Winegard, & Shariff, 2019). Second, political
conservatives have a tendency to moralize a wider scope of actions than their liberal
counterparts (Graham et al., 2013; Graham, Haidt, & Nosek, 2009; Graham et al., 2011).
Combining these two areas of research, we suggest that conservatives report greater belief in
free will and attribute more free will to people than do liberals because conservatives
recognize a wider spectrum of transgressions for which moral responsibility must be assigned
and moral blame attributed.
Motivated Beliefs in Free Will
What do we mean by “free will?” In this paper, we draw on an understanding of free
will that has both been articulated by philosophers and seems to track the intuitions of laypeople.
In line with previous empirical work in this area, we use the term “free will” to refer
to an autonomous choice of action that a person performs in the absence of substantial
internal and external constraints (Baumeister & Monroe, 2014; Paulhus & Carey, 2011),
where this ability to choose renders one morally responsible for their actions (Nichols, 2007;
Nichols & Knobe, 2007). Free will, in other words, can be understood as responsibility -
making autonomy. Note that the concept of free will distinct from the concept of attributions
in social psychology (e.g. Skitka et al., 2002; Zucker & Weiner, 1993), and this can broadly
be related to the philosophical distinction between reasons and causes. Attributions are
reasons, and help answer the question of what the reason is for why a person performed a
given action. In social psychology, work on attribution has focused on two main kinds of
reasons: dispositional attributions (the person did it because of the kind of person they are);
and situational attributions (the person did it because of the situation they were placed in). In
contrast, the concept of free will relates to causes, which can partially include reasons but
also ultimate level causal factors (e.g. it was determined by genes). To illustrate: it is
perfectly plausible to say that someone stole something because they are a selfish person (a
dispositional attribution), but that because their selfishness was genetically determined (an
attribution of free will), they did not have free and thus were not personally responsible.
Assuming this definition of free will of responsibility-making autonomy, what would
it mean for belief in free will to be “motivated,” as we suggested? Motivated social cognition
refers to the well-documented tendency for desired conclusions to organize judgment
processes in a top-down fashion that favors evidence for the conclusions people prefer (Ditto,
Pizarro, & Tannenbaum, 2009). When reasoning about the world, people often act more like
intuitive lawyers than intuitive scientists, such that their desired beliefs influence their actual
beliefs (Baumeister & Newman, 1994; Haidt, 2001, 2012). In moral reasoning, desires to
blame and to hold individuals morally responsible compel people to produce rational
explanations that would justify their moral judgments (Alicke, 2000; Clark, Chen, & Ditto,
2015). Indeed, a growing body of research has demonstrated that the desire to hold
individuals morally accountable for their immoral behaviors can lead to motivated judgments
that such immoral behaviors are intended, under the agent’s control, and freely chosen
(Alicke, 1992, 2000; Alicke, Rose, & Bloom, 2011; Clark et al., 2014; Clark, Bauman,
Kamble, & Knowles, 2017; Clark, Winegard, & Baumeister, 2019; Cushman, Knobe, &
Sinnott-Armstrong, 2008; Hamlin & Baron, 2014; Knobe, 2003; Knobe & Fraser, 2008;
Leslie, Knobe, & Cohen, 2006; Phillips & Knobe, 2009).
But how might belief in free will, specifically, be seen as a form of motivated social
cognition? Across five studies, Clark et al. (2014) used a range of methods – experimental,
correlational, and archival – to test the hypothesis that a key motivation underlying belief in
human free will is the desire to hold others morally responsible for their behavior. For
example, telling students that a fellow classmate had cheated on a recent exam increased
belief in free will on a standard measure of global free will belief; and countries with higher
homicide rates were also found to express higher levels of free will belief. Clark et al (2014)
concluded that free will belief is not an abstract, invariant phenomenon, but is rather driven,
at least in part, by a motivated desire to hold others morally responsible for their wrongful
behaviors, the strength of which varies across time and situation.
The focus on wrongful behaviors may have a straightforward explanation. Put simply,
across a broad range of psychological phenomena, “bad is stronger than good” (Baumeister,
Bratslavsky, Finkenauer, & Vohs, 2001, p. 1), meaning that people tend to notice, and give
greater weight to, negative actions and outcomes than positive ones. For example, research
has repeatedly shown a praise-blame asymmetry in judgments of intentional action: people
are more inclined to say that a behavior with negative side-effects was performed
intentionally than an identical action with positive side-effects (Knobe, 2003; Pettit & Knobe,
2009). Motivated judgments of others’ behavior are most pronounced in – and perhaps even
driven by – cases in which the behavior is seen as harmful (Alicke, Buckingham, Zell, &
Davis, 2008). All else being equal, the desire to blame another for bad behavior is more
potent than the desire to praise another for their good behavior (Clark, Shniderman,
Baumeister, Luguri, & Ditto, 2018). As Baumeister et al. (2001) note, while a general
explanation for this effect is hard to come by given its inherent generality across a broad
range of psychological phenomena, it is likely that a tendency to pay greater attention to bad
actions and outcomes than good ones will have been evolutionarily adaptive because survival
often requires more urgent attention to possible bad outcomes (e.g. a predator behind you)
than possible good outcomes (e.g. a berry bush behind you).
Sexual risk-taking when sexually aroused
Sexual risk-taking when sexually aroused. Courtney L. Crosby, Cindy M. Meston, David M. Buss. Human Behavior and Evolution Society 31st annual meeting. Boston 2019. http://tiny.cc/aa1w6y
Abstract: Sexual arousal is a motivational state that prioritizes mating opportunities and minimizes perceived risks associated with sex. Due to gender asymmetries in evolved sexual psychology, sexual arousal may differentially motivate men and women. Arousal is predicted to motivate men to achieve copulation, whereas women are predicted to remain highly discriminating about sexual partner choice even while aroused. Previous studies show that men are more likely to endorse engaging in morally questionable behaviors and view contraceptives as less important when sexually aroused. However, these underpowered studies have typically only examined arousal in men. We extended previous research by including women and men in a study of experimentally-induced sexual arousal’s effect on perceived willingness to engage in risky sexual behaviors. Preliminary analyses revealed that 1) there was a significant difference in levels of arousal between experimental and control conditions, but no differences in levels of arousal between sex; and 2) that men were more likely to endorse participation in risky sexual behaviors regardless of condition, but sexual arousal did not mediate perceived willingness to engage in these behaviors. Discussion centers on hypothesis refinement and future directions for research on the relationship between sexual arousal and sexual risk-taking.
Abstract: Sexual arousal is a motivational state that prioritizes mating opportunities and minimizes perceived risks associated with sex. Due to gender asymmetries in evolved sexual psychology, sexual arousal may differentially motivate men and women. Arousal is predicted to motivate men to achieve copulation, whereas women are predicted to remain highly discriminating about sexual partner choice even while aroused. Previous studies show that men are more likely to endorse engaging in morally questionable behaviors and view contraceptives as less important when sexually aroused. However, these underpowered studies have typically only examined arousal in men. We extended previous research by including women and men in a study of experimentally-induced sexual arousal’s effect on perceived willingness to engage in risky sexual behaviors. Preliminary analyses revealed that 1) there was a significant difference in levels of arousal between experimental and control conditions, but no differences in levels of arousal between sex; and 2) that men were more likely to endorse participation in risky sexual behaviors regardless of condition, but sexual arousal did not mediate perceived willingness to engage in these behaviors. Discussion centers on hypothesis refinement and future directions for research on the relationship between sexual arousal and sexual risk-taking.
Sunday, June 16, 2019
From 2018: People who are inclined to experience malicious envy make less positive impressions on others, undermine superior’s successes with aggressive strategies, and, ultimately, reach worse wellbeing
Dispositional envy: A conceptual review. Jens Lange, Lisa Blatz, Jan Crusius. January 2018. DOI: 10.4135/9781526451248.n18. In SAGE Handbook of personality and individual differences.Publisher: Sage. Eds: Virgil Zeigler-Hill, Todd Shackelford.
Abstract: We review research on the determinants of dispositional envy and its consequences on the intrapersonal, interpersonal, and societal level. We propose to extend earlier conceptualizations of envy by distinguishing two forms that constitute emotional pathways in responding to status threats. According to this perspective, benign envy is a reaction to a loss of prestige leading to behaviors directed at re-gaining status. Therefore, people who are inclined to experience benign envy make more positive impressions on others, improve their performance, and, ultimately, reach better well-being. Thus, we argue that dispositional benign envy may contribute to societal flourishing. In contrast, malicious envy is a reaction to dominant others leading to behaviors directing at harming their status. Therefore, people who are inclined to experience malicious envy make less positive impressions on others, undermine superior’s successes with aggressive strategies, and, ultimately, reach worse wellbeing. Thus, we argue that dispositional malicious envy may contribute to societal conflict. In sum, dispositional envy appears to be an important personality variable contributing to the regulation of status hierarchies.
Abstract: We review research on the determinants of dispositional envy and its consequences on the intrapersonal, interpersonal, and societal level. We propose to extend earlier conceptualizations of envy by distinguishing two forms that constitute emotional pathways in responding to status threats. According to this perspective, benign envy is a reaction to a loss of prestige leading to behaviors directed at re-gaining status. Therefore, people who are inclined to experience benign envy make more positive impressions on others, improve their performance, and, ultimately, reach better well-being. Thus, we argue that dispositional benign envy may contribute to societal flourishing. In contrast, malicious envy is a reaction to dominant others leading to behaviors directing at harming their status. Therefore, people who are inclined to experience malicious envy make less positive impressions on others, undermine superior’s successes with aggressive strategies, and, ultimately, reach worse wellbeing. Thus, we argue that dispositional malicious envy may contribute to societal conflict. In sum, dispositional envy appears to be an important personality variable contributing to the regulation of status hierarchies.
Accuracy and Bias in the Social Perception of Envy
Lange, Jens, Birk Hagemeyer, Thomas Lösch, and Katrin Rentzsch. 2019. “Accuracy and Bias in the Social Perception of Envy.” OSF Preprints. June 16. doi:10.31219/osf.io/8jc7x
Abstract: Research converges on the notion that when people feel envy, they disguise it towards others. This implies that a person’s envy in a given situation cannot be accurately perceived by peers, as envy lacks a specific display that could be used as a perceptual cue. In contrast to this reasoning, research supports that envy contributes to the regulation of status hierarchies. If envy threatens status positions, people should be highly attentive to identify enviers. The combination of the two led us to expect that (a) state envy is difficult to accurately perceive in unacquainted persons and (b) dispositional enviers can be accurately identified by acquaintances. To investigate these hypotheses, we used actor-partner interdependence models to disentangle accuracy and bias in the perception of state and trait envy. In Study 1, 436 unacquainted dyad members competed against each other and rated their own and the partner’s state envy. Perception bias was significantly positive, yet perception accuracy was non-significant. In Study 2, 502 acquainted dyad members rated their own and the partner’s dispositional benign and malicious envy as well as trait authentic and hubristic pride. Accuracy coefficients were positive for dispositional benign and malicious envy and robust when controlling for trait authentic and hubristic pride. Moreover, accuracy for dispositional benign envy increased with the depth of the relationship. We conclude that enviers might be identifiable but only after extended contact and discuss how this contributes to research on the ambiguous experience of being envied.
Abstract: Research converges on the notion that when people feel envy, they disguise it towards others. This implies that a person’s envy in a given situation cannot be accurately perceived by peers, as envy lacks a specific display that could be used as a perceptual cue. In contrast to this reasoning, research supports that envy contributes to the regulation of status hierarchies. If envy threatens status positions, people should be highly attentive to identify enviers. The combination of the two led us to expect that (a) state envy is difficult to accurately perceive in unacquainted persons and (b) dispositional enviers can be accurately identified by acquaintances. To investigate these hypotheses, we used actor-partner interdependence models to disentangle accuracy and bias in the perception of state and trait envy. In Study 1, 436 unacquainted dyad members competed against each other and rated their own and the partner’s state envy. Perception bias was significantly positive, yet perception accuracy was non-significant. In Study 2, 502 acquainted dyad members rated their own and the partner’s dispositional benign and malicious envy as well as trait authentic and hubristic pride. Accuracy coefficients were positive for dispositional benign and malicious envy and robust when controlling for trait authentic and hubristic pride. Moreover, accuracy for dispositional benign envy increased with the depth of the relationship. We conclude that enviers might be identifiable but only after extended contact and discuss how this contributes to research on the ambiguous experience of being envied.
Infidelity may produce PTSD symptoms at a relatively high rate, even in unmarried young adults, & may put individuals at risk for poorer psychological health, partially through posttraumatic cognitions
Posttraumatic stress and psychological health following infidelity in unmarried young adults. Lydia G. Roos et al. Stress and Health, June 14 2019. https://doi.org/10.1002/smi.2880
Abstract: Infidelity is often conceptualized as a traumatic event; however, little research has explored this topic empirically, particularly in unmarried adults. We determined the prevalence of infidelity‐related posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms among unmarried adults who experienced a partner's infidelity and whether probable infidelity‐related PTSD was associated with additional psychological health outcomes (i.e., depressive symptoms, perceived stress, anxiety symptoms). We also investigated whether negative posttraumatic cognitions mediated the associations between infidelity‐related PTSD symptoms and psychological health. This study included 73 adults (M age = 19.42, SE = 0.19 years) who experienced infidelity within a committed nonmarital relationship within the last five years. Controlling for gender, race, and exposure to DSM Criterion A traumas, 45.2% of our sample reported symptoms suggesting probable infidelity‐related PTSD. Whether used as continuous or categorical predictor, infidelity‐related PTSD symptoms were significantly associated with depressive symptoms, although results for perceived stress and anxiety symptoms were mixed. Posttraumatic cognitions acted as a partial mediator for depressive symptoms, and full mediator for perceived stress and anxiety symptoms. This empirical evidence suggests infidelity may produce PTSD symptoms at a relatively high rate, even in unmarried young adults, and may put individuals at risk for poorer psychological health, partially through posttraumatic cognitions.
Abstract: Infidelity is often conceptualized as a traumatic event; however, little research has explored this topic empirically, particularly in unmarried adults. We determined the prevalence of infidelity‐related posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms among unmarried adults who experienced a partner's infidelity and whether probable infidelity‐related PTSD was associated with additional psychological health outcomes (i.e., depressive symptoms, perceived stress, anxiety symptoms). We also investigated whether negative posttraumatic cognitions mediated the associations between infidelity‐related PTSD symptoms and psychological health. This study included 73 adults (M age = 19.42, SE = 0.19 years) who experienced infidelity within a committed nonmarital relationship within the last five years. Controlling for gender, race, and exposure to DSM Criterion A traumas, 45.2% of our sample reported symptoms suggesting probable infidelity‐related PTSD. Whether used as continuous or categorical predictor, infidelity‐related PTSD symptoms were significantly associated with depressive symptoms, although results for perceived stress and anxiety symptoms were mixed. Posttraumatic cognitions acted as a partial mediator for depressive symptoms, and full mediator for perceived stress and anxiety symptoms. This empirical evidence suggests infidelity may produce PTSD symptoms at a relatively high rate, even in unmarried young adults, and may put individuals at risk for poorer psychological health, partially through posttraumatic cognitions.
Saturday, June 15, 2019
The Madonna-Whore Dichotomy Is Associated With Patriarchy Endorsement; US men’s dichotomy endorsement negatively correlated with their sexual satisfaction in romantic relationships
The Madonna-Whore Dichotomy Is Associated With Patriarchy Endorsement: Evidence From Israel, the United States, and Germany. Rotem Kahalon et al. Psychology of Women Quarterly, May 2, 2019. https://doi.org/10.1177/0361684319843298
Abstract: The madonna-whore dichotomy denotes polarized perceptions of women as either good and chaste or as bad and promiscuous. In the present research, we examined the correlates of madonna-whore dichotomy among samples of heterosexual Israeli, U.S., and German women and heterosexual U.S. and German men. Demonstrating cross-cultural generalizability, madonna-whore dichotomy endorsement correlated with endorsement of patriarchy-supporting ideologies across samples. U.S. (but not German) men’s madonna-whore dichotomy endorsement negatively correlated with their sexual satisfaction in romantic relationships, which in turn predicted lower general relationship satisfaction. Among women, madonna-whore dichotomy endorsement did not correlate with sexual or general relationship satisfaction. These findings (a) support the feminist perspective on the madonna-whore dichotomy, which points to the role of the stereotype in policing women and limiting their sexual freedom, and (b) provide evidence that madonna-whore dichotomy endorsement can have personal costs for men. Increasing awareness to the motivations underlying the madonna-whore dichotomy endorsement and its costs can be beneficial at the social and personal levels for women and men, by providing knowledge that may help in developing focused interventions to change existing perceptions and scripts about sexuality, and perhaps foster more satisfying heterosexual relationships.
Keywords: madonna-whore dichotomy, gender attitudes, sexual satisfaction, relationship satisfaction, sexism, patriarchy-supporting ideologies
Abstract: The madonna-whore dichotomy denotes polarized perceptions of women as either good and chaste or as bad and promiscuous. In the present research, we examined the correlates of madonna-whore dichotomy among samples of heterosexual Israeli, U.S., and German women and heterosexual U.S. and German men. Demonstrating cross-cultural generalizability, madonna-whore dichotomy endorsement correlated with endorsement of patriarchy-supporting ideologies across samples. U.S. (but not German) men’s madonna-whore dichotomy endorsement negatively correlated with their sexual satisfaction in romantic relationships, which in turn predicted lower general relationship satisfaction. Among women, madonna-whore dichotomy endorsement did not correlate with sexual or general relationship satisfaction. These findings (a) support the feminist perspective on the madonna-whore dichotomy, which points to the role of the stereotype in policing women and limiting their sexual freedom, and (b) provide evidence that madonna-whore dichotomy endorsement can have personal costs for men. Increasing awareness to the motivations underlying the madonna-whore dichotomy endorsement and its costs can be beneficial at the social and personal levels for women and men, by providing knowledge that may help in developing focused interventions to change existing perceptions and scripts about sexuality, and perhaps foster more satisfying heterosexual relationships.
Keywords: madonna-whore dichotomy, gender attitudes, sexual satisfaction, relationship satisfaction, sexism, patriarchy-supporting ideologies
It may be that open relationships are common in the gay male community, because gay men benefit psychologically from both relationships and from casual sexual activity
Gay men, casual sex, and psychological well-being. Jeremy Bolton. PhD Thesis, Alliant International University, 2019. https://search.proquest.com/openview/378799404c75ab693c6335008cc5f517/
Abstract: Casual sex is common in the gay male community. Gay men typically have more partners and engage in more types of exual activities than heterosexualmen. Despite this, there is little in the way of empirical evidence regarding the impact casual sexual activity may have on gay men’s mental health. Traditionally, voices within the gay male community, and especially early gay rights leaders, have claimed that casual sex is integral to gay male identity and politics. Others in the gay male psychotherapeutic and self-help community have associated casual sexual activity with emotional woundedness. Evidence drawn from evolutionary psychology and primarily heterosexual studies on casual sex have suggested that casual sexual activity is likely to have a positive benefit for gay men. This study collected data from 152 gay men via an on line survey.The data were analyzed using structural equation modeling. Demographic and relationship status information were collected, as well as information about the participants’ sexual activity over the previous 12 months. Sexual activity information included the number of sex partners, the number of times they had engaged in group sex, and the primary relational context of the majority of their sexual activity. Measures of psychological well-being were also utilized. The results showed that casual sexual activity had a significant positive influence on the participants’ psychological well-being (β=0.25, p<.005). The latent Demographics variable utilized, which was indicated by relationship status and age, also had a positive influence on participants’ psychological well-being (β=0.81,p<.005). The results suggest that gay men benefit psychologically from both casual sex and relationships. It may be that open relationships are common in the gay male community, because gay men may naturally tend towards open relationships in order to benefit psychologically from both relationships and from casual sexual activity. The results suggest that clinicians treating gay men need to avoid bias against casual sexual activity, as casual sexual activity can have psychological benefits for gay men.
Abstract: Casual sex is common in the gay male community. Gay men typically have more partners and engage in more types of exual activities than heterosexualmen. Despite this, there is little in the way of empirical evidence regarding the impact casual sexual activity may have on gay men’s mental health. Traditionally, voices within the gay male community, and especially early gay rights leaders, have claimed that casual sex is integral to gay male identity and politics. Others in the gay male psychotherapeutic and self-help community have associated casual sexual activity with emotional woundedness. Evidence drawn from evolutionary psychology and primarily heterosexual studies on casual sex have suggested that casual sexual activity is likely to have a positive benefit for gay men. This study collected data from 152 gay men via an on line survey.The data were analyzed using structural equation modeling. Demographic and relationship status information were collected, as well as information about the participants’ sexual activity over the previous 12 months. Sexual activity information included the number of sex partners, the number of times they had engaged in group sex, and the primary relational context of the majority of their sexual activity. Measures of psychological well-being were also utilized. The results showed that casual sexual activity had a significant positive influence on the participants’ psychological well-being (β=0.25, p<.005). The latent Demographics variable utilized, which was indicated by relationship status and age, also had a positive influence on participants’ psychological well-being (β=0.81,p<.005). The results suggest that gay men benefit psychologically from both casual sex and relationships. It may be that open relationships are common in the gay male community, because gay men may naturally tend towards open relationships in order to benefit psychologically from both relationships and from casual sexual activity. The results suggest that clinicians treating gay men need to avoid bias against casual sexual activity, as casual sexual activity can have psychological benefits for gay men.
Size Matters After All: Experimental Evidence that Sexually Explicit Material Consumption Influences Genital and Body Esteem in Men
Size Matters After All: Experimental Evidence that SEM Consumption Influences Genital and Body Esteem in Men. Kaylee Skoda, Cory L. Pedersen. SAGE Open, June 14, 2019. https://doi.org/10.1177/2158244019857341
Abstract: Previous research has found that images depicted in the mainstream media have a negative influence on self-esteem, particularly among women. With the ease of accessibility and distribution of sexually explicit material (SEM) in recent years, due largely to the rise of the Internet, it has been postulated that consumers of SEM may experience reduced self-esteem in an effect similar to that found in research on exposure to mainstream media imagery. This experimental investigation explored whether exposure to SEM influenced self-esteem in consumers and whether this effect was comparable with that of exposure to mainstream media. Male and female participants were randomly assigned to no imagery, mainstream media imagery, or SEM imagery conditions and asked to report levels of overall global self-esteem, as well as levels of body-specific and genital-specific self-esteem. Mean scores were significantly lower for female participants relative to males overall, but exposure to SEM imagery revealed a significant negative effect on body-specific and genital-specific self-esteem among men only. Implications and limitations of these findings are discussed.
Keywords: sexually explicit material, pornography, media, self-esteem, body image, genitalia
Abstract: Previous research has found that images depicted in the mainstream media have a negative influence on self-esteem, particularly among women. With the ease of accessibility and distribution of sexually explicit material (SEM) in recent years, due largely to the rise of the Internet, it has been postulated that consumers of SEM may experience reduced self-esteem in an effect similar to that found in research on exposure to mainstream media imagery. This experimental investigation explored whether exposure to SEM influenced self-esteem in consumers and whether this effect was comparable with that of exposure to mainstream media. Male and female participants were randomly assigned to no imagery, mainstream media imagery, or SEM imagery conditions and asked to report levels of overall global self-esteem, as well as levels of body-specific and genital-specific self-esteem. Mean scores were significantly lower for female participants relative to males overall, but exposure to SEM imagery revealed a significant negative effect on body-specific and genital-specific self-esteem among men only. Implications and limitations of these findings are discussed.
Keywords: sexually explicit material, pornography, media, self-esteem, body image, genitalia
Nonreligious and religious participants had similar levels of empathy and showed similar patterns of moral reactions to different moral violations involving both disgusting and nondisgusting contents
Rabelo, A. L. A., & Pilati, R. (2019). Are religious and nonreligious people different in terms of moral judgment and empathy? Psychology of Religion and Spirituality, http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/rel0000277
Abstract: Benevolence, kindness, and empathy are valued virtues among many of the world’s major religions. It is common that people in many cultures see religion as the source of these moral virtues and that one must believe in God to be moral. Despite these widespread assumptions about the associations of religion with morality, some studies raise doubts about the causal connection between them. The main goal of the present study was to test whether religious participants differ from nonreligious ones in terms of how extreme their judgments about moral violations are, how empathic they are, and how disgusting they consider moral violations with disgusting content. It is also our purpose to describe moral judgment processes in an understudied cultural context that has a relevant indigenous characteristic associated with morality. Six hundred fifty-six participants read 6 moral scenarios describing moral violations involving disgusting or nondisgusting contents. They reported their moral reactions using a moral judgment and a moral disgust scale. Measures of empathy, religiosity, religious affiliation, and sociodemographic questions were included in the study. Nonreligious and religious participants had similar levels of empathy and showed similar patterns of moral reactions to different moral violations involving both disgusting and nondisgusting contents. Across 6 moral scenarios, both groups agreed on the most morally wrong and the most disgusting moral violations in similar magnitude. These results question the commonly assumed moral deficit in nonreligious people and support the idea that they can be like religious people when it comes to empathy and judging moral violations.
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Portuguese version of the moral scenarios used in Rabelo and Pilati (2019). DOI:
http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/rel0000277
In the following scenarios, “errado” (wrong) was exchanged by “nojento” (disgusting) in the moral disgust scale. We only included the version of the final question associated with the moral judgment scale for the sake of conciseness.
Dog (Cachorro)
O cachorro de Francisco foi morto por um carro em frente à sua casa. Francisco ouviu falar que na China as pessoas costumam comer carne de cachorro e ele estava curioso sobre como era o gosto dela. Então ele cortou o corpo do cachorro, cozinhou e o comeu no jantar. Quão errado é que Francisco coma o seu cachorro no jantar?
Boy (Criança)
Seu avião caiu no Himalaia. Os únicos sobreviventes são você, um homem e um menino jovem. Vocês três viajam durante dias lutando contra o vento e o frio extremo. Sua única chance de sobreviver é conseguir chegar a um pequeno vilarejo no outro lado da montanha, a vários dias de distância. O menino tem uma perna quebrada e não pode se mover muito rapidamente. As chances de ele sobreviver à jornada são praticamente zero. Sem comida, você e o outro homem provavelmente irão morrer também. O outro homem sugere que você sacrifique o menino e coma seus restos mortais pelos próximos dias. Quão errado é matar esse menino para que você e o outro homem possam sobreviver à sua jornada em segurança?
Cat (Gato)
Mateus está brincando com o seu novo gatinho tarde da noite. Ele está vestindo apenas o seu bermudão e o gatinho anda às vezes sobre os seus genitais. Eventualmente, isso excitou Mateus, e ele começa a esfregar os seus órgãos genitais nus ao longo do corpo do gatinho. O gatinho ronrona e parece gostar do contato. Quão errado é que Mateus se esfregue contra o seu gatinho?
Wallet (Carteira)
Você está andando na rua quando se depara com uma carteira caída no chão. Você abre a carteira e descobre que ela contém várias centenas de reais em notas bem como a carteira de motorista do dono. Pelos cartões de crédito e outros itens na carteira, é bem claro que o dono da carteira é rico. Você, por outro lado, tem passado por tempos difíceis recentemente e poderia realmente fazer uso de algum dinheiro extra para si mesmo. Quão errado é para você manter o dinheiro que encontrou na carteira para ter mais dinheiro para si mesmo?
CV (Currículo)
Você tem um amigo que tem tentado encontrar um trabalho ultimamente sem muito sucesso. Ele imaginou que seria mais provável que ele fosse contratado se ele tivesse um currículo mais impressionante. Ele decidiu colocar algumas informações falsas no seu currículo para torná-lo mais impressionante. Ao fazer isso, ele finalmente conseguiu ser contratado, superando vários candidatos que eram realmente mais qualificados do que ele. Quão errado foi o seu amigo colocar informações falsas em seu currículo para ajudá-lo a encontrar emprego?
Trolley (Trem)
Você está no volante de um trem correndo rápido se aproximando de uma bifurcação nos trilhos. Nos trilhos se estendendo à esquerda, está um grupo de cinco trabalhadores ferroviários. Nos trilhos se estendendo à direita, está um único trabalhador ferroviário. O único jeito de evitar as mortes desses trabalhadores é apertar um interruptor no seu painel de instrumentos que irá fazer o trem seguir à direita, causando a morte do trabalhador ferroviário que está sozinho. Quão errado é que você aperte o interruptor para evitar as mortes dos cinco trabalhadores?
Abstract: Benevolence, kindness, and empathy are valued virtues among many of the world’s major religions. It is common that people in many cultures see religion as the source of these moral virtues and that one must believe in God to be moral. Despite these widespread assumptions about the associations of religion with morality, some studies raise doubts about the causal connection between them. The main goal of the present study was to test whether religious participants differ from nonreligious ones in terms of how extreme their judgments about moral violations are, how empathic they are, and how disgusting they consider moral violations with disgusting content. It is also our purpose to describe moral judgment processes in an understudied cultural context that has a relevant indigenous characteristic associated with morality. Six hundred fifty-six participants read 6 moral scenarios describing moral violations involving disgusting or nondisgusting contents. They reported their moral reactions using a moral judgment and a moral disgust scale. Measures of empathy, religiosity, religious affiliation, and sociodemographic questions were included in the study. Nonreligious and religious participants had similar levels of empathy and showed similar patterns of moral reactions to different moral violations involving both disgusting and nondisgusting contents. Across 6 moral scenarios, both groups agreed on the most morally wrong and the most disgusting moral violations in similar magnitude. These results question the commonly assumed moral deficit in nonreligious people and support the idea that they can be like religious people when it comes to empathy and judging moral violations.
---
Portuguese version of the moral scenarios used in Rabelo and Pilati (2019). DOI:
http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/rel0000277
In the following scenarios, “errado” (wrong) was exchanged by “nojento” (disgusting) in the moral disgust scale. We only included the version of the final question associated with the moral judgment scale for the sake of conciseness.
Dog (Cachorro)
O cachorro de Francisco foi morto por um carro em frente à sua casa. Francisco ouviu falar que na China as pessoas costumam comer carne de cachorro e ele estava curioso sobre como era o gosto dela. Então ele cortou o corpo do cachorro, cozinhou e o comeu no jantar. Quão errado é que Francisco coma o seu cachorro no jantar?
Boy (Criança)
Seu avião caiu no Himalaia. Os únicos sobreviventes são você, um homem e um menino jovem. Vocês três viajam durante dias lutando contra o vento e o frio extremo. Sua única chance de sobreviver é conseguir chegar a um pequeno vilarejo no outro lado da montanha, a vários dias de distância. O menino tem uma perna quebrada e não pode se mover muito rapidamente. As chances de ele sobreviver à jornada são praticamente zero. Sem comida, você e o outro homem provavelmente irão morrer também. O outro homem sugere que você sacrifique o menino e coma seus restos mortais pelos próximos dias. Quão errado é matar esse menino para que você e o outro homem possam sobreviver à sua jornada em segurança?
Cat (Gato)
Mateus está brincando com o seu novo gatinho tarde da noite. Ele está vestindo apenas o seu bermudão e o gatinho anda às vezes sobre os seus genitais. Eventualmente, isso excitou Mateus, e ele começa a esfregar os seus órgãos genitais nus ao longo do corpo do gatinho. O gatinho ronrona e parece gostar do contato. Quão errado é que Mateus se esfregue contra o seu gatinho?
Wallet (Carteira)
Você está andando na rua quando se depara com uma carteira caída no chão. Você abre a carteira e descobre que ela contém várias centenas de reais em notas bem como a carteira de motorista do dono. Pelos cartões de crédito e outros itens na carteira, é bem claro que o dono da carteira é rico. Você, por outro lado, tem passado por tempos difíceis recentemente e poderia realmente fazer uso de algum dinheiro extra para si mesmo. Quão errado é para você manter o dinheiro que encontrou na carteira para ter mais dinheiro para si mesmo?
CV (Currículo)
Você tem um amigo que tem tentado encontrar um trabalho ultimamente sem muito sucesso. Ele imaginou que seria mais provável que ele fosse contratado se ele tivesse um currículo mais impressionante. Ele decidiu colocar algumas informações falsas no seu currículo para torná-lo mais impressionante. Ao fazer isso, ele finalmente conseguiu ser contratado, superando vários candidatos que eram realmente mais qualificados do que ele. Quão errado foi o seu amigo colocar informações falsas em seu currículo para ajudá-lo a encontrar emprego?
Trolley (Trem)
Você está no volante de um trem correndo rápido se aproximando de uma bifurcação nos trilhos. Nos trilhos se estendendo à esquerda, está um grupo de cinco trabalhadores ferroviários. Nos trilhos se estendendo à direita, está um único trabalhador ferroviário. O único jeito de evitar as mortes desses trabalhadores é apertar um interruptor no seu painel de instrumentos que irá fazer o trem seguir à direita, causando a morte do trabalhador ferroviário que está sozinho. Quão errado é que você aperte o interruptor para evitar as mortes dos cinco trabalhadores?
Friday, June 14, 2019
Parents perceived parenting more positively than did adolescents; divergence is higher for younger & male adolescents; in more individualistic societies (like the US); in ethnic minority families; etc.
Hou, Y., Benner, A. D., Kim, S. Y., Chen, S., Spitz, S., Shi, Y., & Beretvas, T. (2019). Discordance in parents’ and adolescents’ reports of parenting: A meta-analysis and qualitative review. American Psychologist, http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/amp0000463
Abstract: Parents and adolescents often provide discordant reports on parenting. Prior studies are inconsistent regarding the extent, predictors, and consequences of such discordance. The current study aimed to robustly estimate the extent, potential moderators, and consequences of discordance between parent- and adolescent-reported parenting by (a) meta-analyzing a large number of studies involving both parent- and adolescent-reported parenting (n = 313) and (b) qualitatively summarizing the main methods and findings in studies examining how parent−adolescent discordance in reports of parenting relates to adolescent outcomes (n = 36). The meta-analysis demonstrated a small yet statistically significant correlation between parent- and adolescent-reported parenting (r = .276; 95% confidence interval [CI: .262, .290]); parents perceived parenting more positively than did adolescents, with a small but statistically significant mean-level difference (g = .242; 95% CI [.188, .296]). The levels of parent−adolescent discordance were higher for younger (vs. older) and male (vs. female) adolescents; for nonclinical parents (vs. parents with internalizing symptoms); in more individualistic societies such as the United States; and in ethnic minority (vs. White), low (vs. high) socioeconomic status, and nonintact (vs. intact) families among U.S. samples. The qualitative review highlighted current methodological approaches, main findings, and limitations and strengths of each approach. Together, the two components of the current study have important implications for research and clinical practice, including areas of inquiry for future studies and how researchers and clinicians should handle informant discordance.
Abstract: Parents and adolescents often provide discordant reports on parenting. Prior studies are inconsistent regarding the extent, predictors, and consequences of such discordance. The current study aimed to robustly estimate the extent, potential moderators, and consequences of discordance between parent- and adolescent-reported parenting by (a) meta-analyzing a large number of studies involving both parent- and adolescent-reported parenting (n = 313) and (b) qualitatively summarizing the main methods and findings in studies examining how parent−adolescent discordance in reports of parenting relates to adolescent outcomes (n = 36). The meta-analysis demonstrated a small yet statistically significant correlation between parent- and adolescent-reported parenting (r = .276; 95% confidence interval [CI: .262, .290]); parents perceived parenting more positively than did adolescents, with a small but statistically significant mean-level difference (g = .242; 95% CI [.188, .296]). The levels of parent−adolescent discordance were higher for younger (vs. older) and male (vs. female) adolescents; for nonclinical parents (vs. parents with internalizing symptoms); in more individualistic societies such as the United States; and in ethnic minority (vs. White), low (vs. high) socioeconomic status, and nonintact (vs. intact) families among U.S. samples. The qualitative review highlighted current methodological approaches, main findings, and limitations and strengths of each approach. Together, the two components of the current study have important implications for research and clinical practice, including areas of inquiry for future studies and how researchers and clinicians should handle informant discordance.
Political Learning from Newspapers: The contemporary effects of newspapers on representative-specific awareness are one-half to one-third estimates from earlier eras
Not Dead Yet: Political Learning from Newspapers in a Changing Media Landscape. Erik Peterson. Political Behavior, June 14 2019. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11109-019-09556-7
Abstract: Shrinking audiences and political coverage cutbacks threaten newspapers’ ability to inform the public about politics. Despite substantial theorizing and widespread concern, it remains unclear how much the public can learn from these struggling news sources. I link measures of the newspaper-produced information environment with large-scale surveys that capture the public’s awareness of their member of Congress. This shows the contemporary effects of newspapers on representative-specific awareness are one-half to one-third estimates from earlier eras. Despite this decline newspapers remain an important contributor to political awareness in a changing media landscape, even for those with limited political interest. These results establish broader scope conditions under which the public can learn from the media environment.
Keywords: Political communication Media and politics Media decline Political information
Abstract: Shrinking audiences and political coverage cutbacks threaten newspapers’ ability to inform the public about politics. Despite substantial theorizing and widespread concern, it remains unclear how much the public can learn from these struggling news sources. I link measures of the newspaper-produced information environment with large-scale surveys that capture the public’s awareness of their member of Congress. This shows the contemporary effects of newspapers on representative-specific awareness are one-half to one-third estimates from earlier eras. Despite this decline newspapers remain an important contributor to political awareness in a changing media landscape, even for those with limited political interest. These results establish broader scope conditions under which the public can learn from the media environment.
Keywords: Political communication Media and politics Media decline Political information
Despite popular beliefs that self-esteem plays a causal role in a wide range of both positive and negative social behaviors, research shows that it actually predicts very little beyond mood and some types of initiative
The "Self-Esteem" Enigma: A Critical Analysis. David A. Levy. North American Journal of Psychology 21(2):305-338. Jun 2019. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/332817129_The_Self-Esteem_Enigma_A_Critical_Analysis
Abstract: Despite popular beliefs that self-esteem plays a causal role in a wide range of both positive and negative social behaviors, research shows that it actually predicts very little beyond mood and some types of initiative. This is likely attributable to myriad conceptual and methodological problems that have plagued the literature. Consequently, this article utilizes specific critical thinking principles (metathoughts) to address five key questions: Why does there continue to be a lack of consensus in defining and understanding self-esteem? Given the heterogeneity of selfesteem, where do the distinctions lie? What are the most prominent problems with self-esteem research? Why does our obsession with selfesteem persist? What are the clinical implications for misunderstanding and misusing self-esteem? Metathoughts include: availability bias, confirmation bias, linguistic bias, naturalistic fallacy, nominal fallacy, emotional reasoning, correlation-causation conflation, reification error, assimilation bias, fundamental attribution error, belief perseverance, insight fallacy, and Barnum effect. Recommendations for improvement are discussed.
Abstract: Despite popular beliefs that self-esteem plays a causal role in a wide range of both positive and negative social behaviors, research shows that it actually predicts very little beyond mood and some types of initiative. This is likely attributable to myriad conceptual and methodological problems that have plagued the literature. Consequently, this article utilizes specific critical thinking principles (metathoughts) to address five key questions: Why does there continue to be a lack of consensus in defining and understanding self-esteem? Given the heterogeneity of selfesteem, where do the distinctions lie? What are the most prominent problems with self-esteem research? Why does our obsession with selfesteem persist? What are the clinical implications for misunderstanding and misusing self-esteem? Metathoughts include: availability bias, confirmation bias, linguistic bias, naturalistic fallacy, nominal fallacy, emotional reasoning, correlation-causation conflation, reification error, assimilation bias, fundamental attribution error, belief perseverance, insight fallacy, and Barnum effect. Recommendations for improvement are discussed.
Cigarette Smoking and Personality Change Across Adulthood: Current smoking is related to detrimental personality change, but smoking cessation was mostly unrelated to personality change (you get no relief from cessation)
Cigarette Smoking and Personality Change Across Adulthood: Findings from Five Longitudinal Samples. Yannick Stephan et al. Journal of Research in Personality, June 14 2019. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jrp.2019.06.006
Highlights
• Current smoking is related to detrimental personality change.
• Smoking cessation was mostly unrelated to personality change.
• Smoking is related to personality development across adulthood.
Abstract: Personality traits are related to cigarette smoking. However, little is known about the link between smoking and change in personality. Therefore, the present study examined whether current cigarette smoking and smoking cessation are associated with personality change across adulthood. Participants (n=15,572) aged from 20 to 92 years were drawn from five longitudinal cohorts with follow-ups that ranged from 4 to 20 years. Compared to non-smokers, current smokers were more likely to increase on neuroticism and to decline on extraversion, openness, agreeableness and conscientiousness over time. Compared to the persistent smokers, those who quit had a steeper decline in agreeableness. Cigarette smoking is related to detrimental personality changes across adulthood, and the pattern was not improved by smoking cessation.
Highlights
• Current smoking is related to detrimental personality change.
• Smoking cessation was mostly unrelated to personality change.
• Smoking is related to personality development across adulthood.
Abstract: Personality traits are related to cigarette smoking. However, little is known about the link between smoking and change in personality. Therefore, the present study examined whether current cigarette smoking and smoking cessation are associated with personality change across adulthood. Participants (n=15,572) aged from 20 to 92 years were drawn from five longitudinal cohorts with follow-ups that ranged from 4 to 20 years. Compared to non-smokers, current smokers were more likely to increase on neuroticism and to decline on extraversion, openness, agreeableness and conscientiousness over time. Compared to the persistent smokers, those who quit had a steeper decline in agreeableness. Cigarette smoking is related to detrimental personality changes across adulthood, and the pattern was not improved by smoking cessation.
Our findings suggest that the results of persistence studies, and of spatial regressions more generally, might be treated with some caution in the absence of reported Moran statistics and noise simulations
The Standard Errors of Persistence. Morgan Kelly. June 2019. DOI:
10.13140/RG.2.2.26903.21922
Abstract: A large literature on persistence finds that many modern outcomes strongly reflect characteristics of the same places in the distant past. However, alongside unusually high t statistics, these regressions display severe spatial auto-correlation in residuals, and the purpose of this paper is to examine whether these two properties might be connected. We start by running artificial regressions where both variables are spatial noise and find that, even for modest ranges of spatial correlation between points, t statistics become severely inflated leading to significance levels that are in error by several orders of magnitude. We analyse 27 persistence studies in leading journals and find that in most cases if we replace the main explanatory variable with spatial noise the fit of the regression commonly improves; and if we replace the dependent variable with spatial noise, the persistence variable can still explain it at high significance levels. We can predict in advance which persistence results might be the outcome of fitting spatial noise from the degree of spatial au-tocorrelation in their residuals measured by a standard Moran statistic. Our findings suggest that the results of persistence studies, and of spatial regressions more generally, might be treated with some caution in the absence of reported Moran statistics and noise simulations.
10.13140/RG.2.2.26903.21922
Abstract: A large literature on persistence finds that many modern outcomes strongly reflect characteristics of the same places in the distant past. However, alongside unusually high t statistics, these regressions display severe spatial auto-correlation in residuals, and the purpose of this paper is to examine whether these two properties might be connected. We start by running artificial regressions where both variables are spatial noise and find that, even for modest ranges of spatial correlation between points, t statistics become severely inflated leading to significance levels that are in error by several orders of magnitude. We analyse 27 persistence studies in leading journals and find that in most cases if we replace the main explanatory variable with spatial noise the fit of the regression commonly improves; and if we replace the dependent variable with spatial noise, the persistence variable can still explain it at high significance levels. We can predict in advance which persistence results might be the outcome of fitting spatial noise from the degree of spatial au-tocorrelation in their residuals measured by a standard Moran statistic. Our findings suggest that the results of persistence studies, and of spatial regressions more generally, might be treated with some caution in the absence of reported Moran statistics and noise simulations.
Thursday, June 13, 2019
Moral opportunism: A unique genetic grounding associates lesser guilt from perpetrating injustice with greater sensitivity to being the victim of it
Moral opportunism: A unique genetic grounding associates lesser guilt from perpetrating injustice with greater sensitivity to being the victim of it. Nikolai Haahjem Eftedal, Thomas Haarklau Kleppestø, Nikolai Olavi Czajkowski, Jonas Kunst, Espen Røysamb, Olav Vassend, Eivind Ystrøm, Lotte Thomsen. Human Behavior and Evolution Society 31st annual meeting. Boston 2019. http://tiny.cc/aa1w6y
People vary in their general propensity to perceive and react to injustice. However, moral rules of justice may be gamed through selective endorsement depending on one’s own role as victim or perpetrator. Here, we demonstrate a unique genetic grounding for this latter strategy (as well as for injustice sensitivity in general). The Justice Sensitivity (JS) scale distinguishes between four sub-types of injustice sensitivity. A perceiver of an injustice can either be a victim, an observer, a beneficiary, or a perpetrator to this injustice, and sensitivity to these facets correlate robustly. We use a genetically informative sample of 544 monozygotic- and 736 dizygotic twin pairs to estimate the etiological sources of these associations, analyzing the underlying factor structure while separating the contributions of genetic- versus environmental influences. We find evidence for two substantially heritable latent traits influencing responses across the JS-facets: 1) a generalized injustice sensitivity factor leading to increased sensitivity to injustices of all categories, and 2) a moral opportunism factor causing increased victim sensitivity combined with a decreased propensity to feel guilt from being the perpetrator. This latter moral opportunism factor shares further genetic underpinnings with social dominance orientation.
People vary in their general propensity to perceive and react to injustice. However, moral rules of justice may be gamed through selective endorsement depending on one’s own role as victim or perpetrator. Here, we demonstrate a unique genetic grounding for this latter strategy (as well as for injustice sensitivity in general). The Justice Sensitivity (JS) scale distinguishes between four sub-types of injustice sensitivity. A perceiver of an injustice can either be a victim, an observer, a beneficiary, or a perpetrator to this injustice, and sensitivity to these facets correlate robustly. We use a genetically informative sample of 544 monozygotic- and 736 dizygotic twin pairs to estimate the etiological sources of these associations, analyzing the underlying factor structure while separating the contributions of genetic- versus environmental influences. We find evidence for two substantially heritable latent traits influencing responses across the JS-facets: 1) a generalized injustice sensitivity factor leading to increased sensitivity to injustices of all categories, and 2) a moral opportunism factor causing increased victim sensitivity combined with a decreased propensity to feel guilt from being the perpetrator. This latter moral opportunism factor shares further genetic underpinnings with social dominance orientation.
We examine children’s responses to unequal resource allocations in the Inequity Game by varying the direction of inequity (advantageous vs disadvantageous inequity) and normative information (to be fair or to act autonomously)
Be fair: Do explicit norms promote fairness in children? Gorana T. Gonzalez, Katherine J. McAuliffe. Human Behavior and Evolution Society 31st annual meeting. Boston 2019. http://tiny.cc/aa1w6y
Abstract: Children have an early-emerging expectation that resources should be divided fairly amongst agents (e.g. Sommerville et al., 2013), yet their behavior does not begin to align with these expectations until later in development. This dissociation between knowledge and behavior (Blake, McAuliffe, & Warneken, 2014) raises important questions about the mechanisms that encourage children to behave how they know they should behave. Here we tested whether explicitly invoking fairness norms encourages costly fair decisions in 4- to 9-year-old-children. We examine children’s responses to unequal resource allocations in the Inequity Game (Blake & McAuliffe, 2011) by varying the direction of inequity (advantageous vs disadvantageous inequity) and normative information (to be fair or to act autonomously). Our results show children are more likely to reject advantageous allocation in the fairness norm condition than in the autonomous choice condition, but we do not see this difference when children are presented with disadvantageous allocations. This study showcases children’s costly fairness norm enforcement as a flexible process, one that can be brought in and out of alignment with their knowledge of fairness by shining a spotlight on how one ought to behave.
Abstract: Children have an early-emerging expectation that resources should be divided fairly amongst agents (e.g. Sommerville et al., 2013), yet their behavior does not begin to align with these expectations until later in development. This dissociation between knowledge and behavior (Blake, McAuliffe, & Warneken, 2014) raises important questions about the mechanisms that encourage children to behave how they know they should behave. Here we tested whether explicitly invoking fairness norms encourages costly fair decisions in 4- to 9-year-old-children. We examine children’s responses to unequal resource allocations in the Inequity Game (Blake & McAuliffe, 2011) by varying the direction of inequity (advantageous vs disadvantageous inequity) and normative information (to be fair or to act autonomously). Our results show children are more likely to reject advantageous allocation in the fairness norm condition than in the autonomous choice condition, but we do not see this difference when children are presented with disadvantageous allocations. This study showcases children’s costly fairness norm enforcement as a flexible process, one that can be brought in and out of alignment with their knowledge of fairness by shining a spotlight on how one ought to behave.
Long-term mating strategies are associated with greater religiosity; since exposure to religious stimuli down-regulate traits associated with short-term mating strategies, we predicted less provocativeness of dress in women
Religion causes decreases in women’s provocativeness of dress. Liana S. E. Hone, Michael E. McCullough. Human Behavior and Evolution Society 31st annual meeting. Boston 2019. http://tiny.cc/aa1w6y
Abstract: Long-term mating strategies are associated with greater religiosity and studies demonstrate that exposure to religious stimuli down-regulate traits associated with short-term mating strategies in men. Based on tentative evidence that women might also occasionally pursue short-term mating strategies, we evaluated the effects of religiosity on a trait associated with women’s mating strategies: Provocativeness of dress (POD). We predicted that women’s baseline religiosity would be negatively correlated with their POD (measured via skin exposure) on the premise that POD is typically associated with women’s short-term mating strategies. We also predicted that women who completed a religious writing task would illustrate less skin exposure than their peers when asked what they would wear to a hypothetical social gathering with attractive members of the opposite sex in attendance. In a sample of 817 participants, women who classified themselves as highly religious exposed less skin in their day-today lives. Likewise, women who completed a religious writing task illustrated less skin exposure than did their peers. A significant religiosity by writing task condition assignment interaction indicated that the religious writing task was more effective in reducing skin exposure for highly religious participants than it was for less religious participants.
Abstract: Long-term mating strategies are associated with greater religiosity and studies demonstrate that exposure to religious stimuli down-regulate traits associated with short-term mating strategies in men. Based on tentative evidence that women might also occasionally pursue short-term mating strategies, we evaluated the effects of religiosity on a trait associated with women’s mating strategies: Provocativeness of dress (POD). We predicted that women’s baseline religiosity would be negatively correlated with their POD (measured via skin exposure) on the premise that POD is typically associated with women’s short-term mating strategies. We also predicted that women who completed a religious writing task would illustrate less skin exposure than their peers when asked what they would wear to a hypothetical social gathering with attractive members of the opposite sex in attendance. In a sample of 817 participants, women who classified themselves as highly religious exposed less skin in their day-today lives. Likewise, women who completed a religious writing task illustrated less skin exposure than did their peers. A significant religiosity by writing task condition assignment interaction indicated that the religious writing task was more effective in reducing skin exposure for highly religious participants than it was for less religious participants.
Facial aging trajectories: A common shape pattern in male and female faces is disrupted after menopause
Facial aging trajectories: A common shape pattern in male and female faces is disrupted after menopause. Sonja Windhager et al. American Journal of Physical Anthropology, June 12 2019. https://doi.org/10.1002/ajpa.23878
Abstract
Objectives: Despite variation in lifestyle and environment, first signs of human facial aging show between the ages of 20–30 years. It is a cumulative process of changes in the skin, soft tissue, and skeleton of the face. As quantifications of facial aging in living humans are still scarce, we set out to study age‐related changes in three‐dimensional facial shape using geometric morphometrics.
Materials and methods: We collected surface scans of 88 human faces (aged 26–90 years) from the coastal town Split (Croatia) and neighboring islands. Based on a geometric morphometric analysis of 585 measurement points (landmarks and semilandmarks), we modeled sex‐specific trajectories of average facial aging.
Results: Age‐related facial shape change was similar in both sexes until around age 50, at which time the female aging trajectory turned sharply. The overall magnitude of facial shape change (aging rate) was higher in women than men, especially in early postmenopause. Aging was generally associated with a flatter face, sagged soft tissue (“broken” jawline), deeper nasolabial folds, smaller visible areas of the eyes, thinner lips, and longer nose and ears. In postmenopausal women, facial aging was best predicted by the years since last menstruation and mainly attributable to bone resorption in the mandible.
Discussion: With high spatial and temporal resolution, we were able to extract a shared facial aging pattern in women and men, and its divergence after menopause. This fully quantitative three‐dimensional analysis of human facial aging may not only find applications in forensic and ancient human facial reconstructions, but shall include lifestyle and endocrinological measures, and also reach out to studies of social perception.
[Full text and charts at the link above]
1 INTRODUCTION
Throughout life, facial shape changes systematically due to growth, maturation, and senescence. What we see on the surface is the joint effect of aging and other processes in several tissue layers. Despite variation in lifestyle and environment, the first signs of facial aging become apparent between the ages of 20 and 30 (Albert, Ricanek Jr., & Patterson, 2007; Windhager & Schaefer, 2016). Facial aging results from cumulative age‐related changes in the skin, soft tissue, and skeleton of the face (Mendelson & Wong, 2012). Its manifestations reflect the combined effects of gravity, facial volume loss, progressive bone resorption, decreased tissue elasticity, and redistribution of fat (Coleman & Grover, 2006). In this article, we focus on age‐related changes in facial shape, leaving aside changes that occur in facial texture, color, and amount of facial hair. Quantifying aging patterns is not only crucial in the fields of facial reconstruction and aesthetic rejuvenation, but is also important in studies of facial recognition as well as interpersonal perception and stereotyping.
In the centennial anniversary issue of this journal, Bogin, Varea, Hermanussen, and Scheffler (2018) have just updated the Bogin classification system of human life history stages. In our study, we focus on those stages underrepresented in the physical anthropological literature (Ice, 2003): gradual decline (35–50 years), transition/degeneration age (>50 years to senescence), and senescence/old age, which shows variable onset and progression as a function of prior levels of somatic and cognitive reserves. Also, Kirkwood (2017) stresses the variability of aging, caused by “a process of progressive accumulation of defects that stem ultimately from random damage” (p. 1070). Despite individual variation in onset and progression, human facial aging shows a common pattern of morphological, histological, and dermatological changes, as addressed in numerous biomedical studies (Figure 1). Bone tissues along the orbital rim, especially superomedially and inferolaterally, have been shown to recede with increasing age, while the central orbital parts remain relatively stable throughout life (Kahn & Shaw Jr., 2008). This contributes to a more prominent medial fat pad, elevated medial brows, and the typical lengthening of the lid‐cheek junction in older age (Mendelson & Wong, 2012). Retrusion of the bony midface and the maxilla in adds to building and deepening the nasolabial folds and to increasing facial flatness (Pessa et al., 1998; Shaw Jr. & Kahn, 2007). The lengthening of the nose results from an enlargement of the piriform aperture as the bony edges recede, especially in the ascending process of the maxilla. Together with reduced soft‐tissue laxity, this also leads to a drooping nose tip (Rohrich, Hollier Jr., Janis, & Kim, 2004; Shaw Jr. & Kahn, 2007). Moreover, the height and length of the mandible decrease in older ages, whereas the mandibular angle increases (Shaw Jr. et al., 2010). Mendelson and Wong (2012), however, noted that these standard linear measures fail to identify in‐between areas of reduced facial projection, such as the mandible's prejowl region, which becomes more concave with increasing age (Pessa, Slice, Hanz, Broadbent Jr., & Rohrich, 2008; Romo, Yalamanchili, & Sclafani, 2005; Zimbler, Kokoska, & Thomas, 2001).
Collagen fibers are responsible for the resilience and main mass of the dermis. Males have more collagen than females throughout adult life (Shuster, Black, & McVitie, 1975). With increasing age, the amount, quality, and type of collagen change (Galea & Brincat, 2000; Shuster et al., 1975). In both sexes, total skin collagen and skin thickness decrease. Yet, especially after menopause, collagen becomes reduced both in the skin and bone of female faces. Experimental estrogen administration increases skin thickness (as summarized by Brincat, Baron, & Galea, 2005), but mice models indicate that also androgen contributes to the thicker male skin (Markova et al., 2004).
The amount and distribution of subcutaneous fat further contribute to the observable facial shape. This fat is thicker (especially in the medial cheek) and more unevenly distributed in the female than in the male face (Keaney, 2016). With increasing age, however, soft tissue thickness decreases, especially between 20 and 60 years (Wysong, Joseph, Kim, Tang, & Gladstone, 2013). Midfacial ptosis is further enhanced by muscle loss and progressive muscle shortening and straightening (Buchanan & Wulc, 2015). Donofrio (2000) ascribed the physical appearance of tissue sagging to either too little or too much fat (hence the term “sagging paradox”): fat is stored diffusely in young faces, but older faces pocket fat in distinct areas. Such processes also account for ptosis of the brows and eyelid drooping, which already become apparent before age 30 (Zimbler et al., 2001).
Human lips also change throughout adulthood. Dryness increases with age and is higher on the lower lip than on the upper one (Lévêque & Goubanova, 2004). In a qualitative illustration of an aged face, Zimbler et al. (2001) described upper lip flattening and lengthening as well as a thinning and atrophy of the vermilion (red lip). Like the lips, the external ear is built solely from soft tissue. Total ear height increases with age mainly due to lobal height increase in both sexes (Asai, Yoshimura, Nago, & Yamada, 1996; Brucker, Patel, & Sullivan, 2003). Heathcote (1995) reported a lengthening of the ear by 0.22 mm per year in a cross‐sectional study of people aged 30–93 years.
Based on linear measurements of facial photographs of the same person at two ages, Pitanguy et al. (1998) derived a second‐order polynomial model to best fit the ptosis of the midfacial tissues in women with increasing age. Leta, Pamplona, Weber, Conci, and Pitanguy (2000) extended this approach toward lateral views, and both research teams further support most of the above‐described soft‐tissue patterns regarding eyes, lips, and ears in Brazilian patients of European descent. Schmidlin, Steyn, Houlton, and Briers (2018) obtained similar results in African faces and graphed their values in relation to the work of Sforza and colleagues in Italian faces. They confirmed the overall pattern, notwithstanding absolute thickness differences between the populations at a given age stage.
Despite some recent efforts to quantify age‐related shape features of the face beyond single regions (Chen et al., 2015; Mydlová, Dupej, Koudelová, & Velemínská, 2015), the evidence is still largely qualitative for faces of living humans. Combining the scarce quantitative studies is also hindered by the diverse ethnic backgrounds of the participants in these studies (Vashi, Buainain De Castro Maymone, & Kundu, 2016). Therefore, we set out to study age‐related facial shape changes in adults using a geometric morphometric approach. More specifically, we transferred—for the first time—the geometric morphometric toolkit of physical anthropology and its study of growth trajectories (Bulygina, Mitteroecker, & Aiello, 2006; Coquerelle et al., 2011; Mitteroecker, Gunz, Bernhard, Schaefer, & Bookstein, 2004) to human facial aging, including soft tissue. We study changes in appearance with chronological age in a genetically and environmentally homogeneous group from two Croatian islands and a near‐by coastal town, based on three‐dimensional facial surface scans. Local linear regressions allow for an unprecedentedly high temporal and spatial resolution.
Abstract
Objectives: Despite variation in lifestyle and environment, first signs of human facial aging show between the ages of 20–30 years. It is a cumulative process of changes in the skin, soft tissue, and skeleton of the face. As quantifications of facial aging in living humans are still scarce, we set out to study age‐related changes in three‐dimensional facial shape using geometric morphometrics.
Materials and methods: We collected surface scans of 88 human faces (aged 26–90 years) from the coastal town Split (Croatia) and neighboring islands. Based on a geometric morphometric analysis of 585 measurement points (landmarks and semilandmarks), we modeled sex‐specific trajectories of average facial aging.
Results: Age‐related facial shape change was similar in both sexes until around age 50, at which time the female aging trajectory turned sharply. The overall magnitude of facial shape change (aging rate) was higher in women than men, especially in early postmenopause. Aging was generally associated with a flatter face, sagged soft tissue (“broken” jawline), deeper nasolabial folds, smaller visible areas of the eyes, thinner lips, and longer nose and ears. In postmenopausal women, facial aging was best predicted by the years since last menstruation and mainly attributable to bone resorption in the mandible.
Discussion: With high spatial and temporal resolution, we were able to extract a shared facial aging pattern in women and men, and its divergence after menopause. This fully quantitative three‐dimensional analysis of human facial aging may not only find applications in forensic and ancient human facial reconstructions, but shall include lifestyle and endocrinological measures, and also reach out to studies of social perception.
[Full text and charts at the link above]
1 INTRODUCTION
Throughout life, facial shape changes systematically due to growth, maturation, and senescence. What we see on the surface is the joint effect of aging and other processes in several tissue layers. Despite variation in lifestyle and environment, the first signs of facial aging become apparent between the ages of 20 and 30 (Albert, Ricanek Jr., & Patterson, 2007; Windhager & Schaefer, 2016). Facial aging results from cumulative age‐related changes in the skin, soft tissue, and skeleton of the face (Mendelson & Wong, 2012). Its manifestations reflect the combined effects of gravity, facial volume loss, progressive bone resorption, decreased tissue elasticity, and redistribution of fat (Coleman & Grover, 2006). In this article, we focus on age‐related changes in facial shape, leaving aside changes that occur in facial texture, color, and amount of facial hair. Quantifying aging patterns is not only crucial in the fields of facial reconstruction and aesthetic rejuvenation, but is also important in studies of facial recognition as well as interpersonal perception and stereotyping.
In the centennial anniversary issue of this journal, Bogin, Varea, Hermanussen, and Scheffler (2018) have just updated the Bogin classification system of human life history stages. In our study, we focus on those stages underrepresented in the physical anthropological literature (Ice, 2003): gradual decline (35–50 years), transition/degeneration age (>50 years to senescence), and senescence/old age, which shows variable onset and progression as a function of prior levels of somatic and cognitive reserves. Also, Kirkwood (2017) stresses the variability of aging, caused by “a process of progressive accumulation of defects that stem ultimately from random damage” (p. 1070). Despite individual variation in onset and progression, human facial aging shows a common pattern of morphological, histological, and dermatological changes, as addressed in numerous biomedical studies (Figure 1). Bone tissues along the orbital rim, especially superomedially and inferolaterally, have been shown to recede with increasing age, while the central orbital parts remain relatively stable throughout life (Kahn & Shaw Jr., 2008). This contributes to a more prominent medial fat pad, elevated medial brows, and the typical lengthening of the lid‐cheek junction in older age (Mendelson & Wong, 2012). Retrusion of the bony midface and the maxilla in adds to building and deepening the nasolabial folds and to increasing facial flatness (Pessa et al., 1998; Shaw Jr. & Kahn, 2007). The lengthening of the nose results from an enlargement of the piriform aperture as the bony edges recede, especially in the ascending process of the maxilla. Together with reduced soft‐tissue laxity, this also leads to a drooping nose tip (Rohrich, Hollier Jr., Janis, & Kim, 2004; Shaw Jr. & Kahn, 2007). Moreover, the height and length of the mandible decrease in older ages, whereas the mandibular angle increases (Shaw Jr. et al., 2010). Mendelson and Wong (2012), however, noted that these standard linear measures fail to identify in‐between areas of reduced facial projection, such as the mandible's prejowl region, which becomes more concave with increasing age (Pessa, Slice, Hanz, Broadbent Jr., & Rohrich, 2008; Romo, Yalamanchili, & Sclafani, 2005; Zimbler, Kokoska, & Thomas, 2001).
Collagen fibers are responsible for the resilience and main mass of the dermis. Males have more collagen than females throughout adult life (Shuster, Black, & McVitie, 1975). With increasing age, the amount, quality, and type of collagen change (Galea & Brincat, 2000; Shuster et al., 1975). In both sexes, total skin collagen and skin thickness decrease. Yet, especially after menopause, collagen becomes reduced both in the skin and bone of female faces. Experimental estrogen administration increases skin thickness (as summarized by Brincat, Baron, & Galea, 2005), but mice models indicate that also androgen contributes to the thicker male skin (Markova et al., 2004).
The amount and distribution of subcutaneous fat further contribute to the observable facial shape. This fat is thicker (especially in the medial cheek) and more unevenly distributed in the female than in the male face (Keaney, 2016). With increasing age, however, soft tissue thickness decreases, especially between 20 and 60 years (Wysong, Joseph, Kim, Tang, & Gladstone, 2013). Midfacial ptosis is further enhanced by muscle loss and progressive muscle shortening and straightening (Buchanan & Wulc, 2015). Donofrio (2000) ascribed the physical appearance of tissue sagging to either too little or too much fat (hence the term “sagging paradox”): fat is stored diffusely in young faces, but older faces pocket fat in distinct areas. Such processes also account for ptosis of the brows and eyelid drooping, which already become apparent before age 30 (Zimbler et al., 2001).
Human lips also change throughout adulthood. Dryness increases with age and is higher on the lower lip than on the upper one (Lévêque & Goubanova, 2004). In a qualitative illustration of an aged face, Zimbler et al. (2001) described upper lip flattening and lengthening as well as a thinning and atrophy of the vermilion (red lip). Like the lips, the external ear is built solely from soft tissue. Total ear height increases with age mainly due to lobal height increase in both sexes (Asai, Yoshimura, Nago, & Yamada, 1996; Brucker, Patel, & Sullivan, 2003). Heathcote (1995) reported a lengthening of the ear by 0.22 mm per year in a cross‐sectional study of people aged 30–93 years.
Based on linear measurements of facial photographs of the same person at two ages, Pitanguy et al. (1998) derived a second‐order polynomial model to best fit the ptosis of the midfacial tissues in women with increasing age. Leta, Pamplona, Weber, Conci, and Pitanguy (2000) extended this approach toward lateral views, and both research teams further support most of the above‐described soft‐tissue patterns regarding eyes, lips, and ears in Brazilian patients of European descent. Schmidlin, Steyn, Houlton, and Briers (2018) obtained similar results in African faces and graphed their values in relation to the work of Sforza and colleagues in Italian faces. They confirmed the overall pattern, notwithstanding absolute thickness differences between the populations at a given age stage.
Despite some recent efforts to quantify age‐related shape features of the face beyond single regions (Chen et al., 2015; Mydlová, Dupej, Koudelová, & Velemínská, 2015), the evidence is still largely qualitative for faces of living humans. Combining the scarce quantitative studies is also hindered by the diverse ethnic backgrounds of the participants in these studies (Vashi, Buainain De Castro Maymone, & Kundu, 2016). Therefore, we set out to study age‐related facial shape changes in adults using a geometric morphometric approach. More specifically, we transferred—for the first time—the geometric morphometric toolkit of physical anthropology and its study of growth trajectories (Bulygina, Mitteroecker, & Aiello, 2006; Coquerelle et al., 2011; Mitteroecker, Gunz, Bernhard, Schaefer, & Bookstein, 2004) to human facial aging, including soft tissue. We study changes in appearance with chronological age in a genetically and environmentally homogeneous group from two Croatian islands and a near‐by coastal town, based on three‐dimensional facial surface scans. Local linear regressions allow for an unprecedentedly high temporal and spatial resolution.
These data suggest that, for capuchins, potential competitors (male & female) garner more attention than potential mates
A competitive drive? Same‐sex attentional preferences in capuchins. Elizabeth V. Lonsdorf, Lindsey M. Engelbert, Lauren H. Howard. American Journal of Primatology, June 12 2019. https://doi.org/10.1002/ajp.22998
Abstract: In primates, faces provide information about several characteristics of social significance, including age, physical health, and biological sex. However, despite a growing literature on face processing and visual attention in a number of primate species, preferences for same‐ or opposite‐sex faces have not yet been examined. In the current study, we explore the role of conspecific sex on visual attention in two groups of capuchin monkeys. Subjects were shown a series of image pairs on a Tobii Pro TX300 eye tracker, each depicting an unfamiliar male and an unfamiliar female face. Given the behavioral evidence of mate choice in both sexes, we hypothesized that capuchins would preferentially attend to images of unfamiliar conspecifics of the opposite sex. Our alternative hypothesis was that capuchins would preferentially attend to same‐sex individuals to assess potential competitors. Our results provide support for our alternative hypothesis. When comparing attention to each stimuli type across sexes, females spent significantly larger percentages of time than males looking at female photos, whereas males spent significantly larger percentages of time than females looking at male photos. Within each sex, females looked for significantly larger percentages of time to female versus male images. Males also looked for larger percentages of time to same‐sex images, though not significantly. To our knowledge, these data are the first to demonstrate significant sex‐biased attentional preferences in adult primates of any species, and suggest that, for capuchins, potential competitors garner more attention than potential mates. In addition, our findings have implications for studies of visual attention and face processing across the primate order, and suggest that researchers need to control for these demographic factors in their experimental designs.
HIGHLIGHTS
Capuchins exhibit preferential attention to images of same‐sex faces.
Female capuchins look significantly more at unfamiliar female images.
Male capuchins look significantly more at unfamiliar male images.
Abstract: In primates, faces provide information about several characteristics of social significance, including age, physical health, and biological sex. However, despite a growing literature on face processing and visual attention in a number of primate species, preferences for same‐ or opposite‐sex faces have not yet been examined. In the current study, we explore the role of conspecific sex on visual attention in two groups of capuchin monkeys. Subjects were shown a series of image pairs on a Tobii Pro TX300 eye tracker, each depicting an unfamiliar male and an unfamiliar female face. Given the behavioral evidence of mate choice in both sexes, we hypothesized that capuchins would preferentially attend to images of unfamiliar conspecifics of the opposite sex. Our alternative hypothesis was that capuchins would preferentially attend to same‐sex individuals to assess potential competitors. Our results provide support for our alternative hypothesis. When comparing attention to each stimuli type across sexes, females spent significantly larger percentages of time than males looking at female photos, whereas males spent significantly larger percentages of time than females looking at male photos. Within each sex, females looked for significantly larger percentages of time to female versus male images. Males also looked for larger percentages of time to same‐sex images, though not significantly. To our knowledge, these data are the first to demonstrate significant sex‐biased attentional preferences in adult primates of any species, and suggest that, for capuchins, potential competitors garner more attention than potential mates. In addition, our findings have implications for studies of visual attention and face processing across the primate order, and suggest that researchers need to control for these demographic factors in their experimental designs.
HIGHLIGHTS
Capuchins exhibit preferential attention to images of same‐sex faces.
Female capuchins look significantly more at unfamiliar female images.
Male capuchins look significantly more at unfamiliar male images.
Does political polarisation occur among those relying on social media as their primary politics news source? We found little evidence for this polarisation, lending credence to a rejection of social media’s “echo chamber” effect
Testing popular news discourse on the “echo chamber” effect: Does political polarisation occur among those relying on social media as their primary politics news source? An Nguyen, Hong Tien Vu. First Monday, Volume 24, Number 6 - 3 June 2019. https://doi.org/10.5210/fm.v24i6.9632
Abstract: Since 2016, online social networks (OSNs), especially their “big data” algorithms, have been intensively blamed in popular news discourse for acting as echo chambers. These chambers entrap like-minded voters in closed ideological circles that cause serious damage to democratic processes. This study examines this “echo chamber” argument through the rather divisive case of EU politics among EU citizens. Based on an exploratory secondary analysis of the Eurobarometer 86.2 survey dataset, we investigate whether the reliance on OSNs as a primary EU political news source can lead people to more polarisation in EU-related political beliefs and attitudes than a reliance on traditional media. We found little evidence for this polarisation, lending credence to a rejection of social media’s “echo chamber” effect.
Abstract: Since 2016, online social networks (OSNs), especially their “big data” algorithms, have been intensively blamed in popular news discourse for acting as echo chambers. These chambers entrap like-minded voters in closed ideological circles that cause serious damage to democratic processes. This study examines this “echo chamber” argument through the rather divisive case of EU politics among EU citizens. Based on an exploratory secondary analysis of the Eurobarometer 86.2 survey dataset, we investigate whether the reliance on OSNs as a primary EU political news source can lead people to more polarisation in EU-related political beliefs and attitudes than a reliance on traditional media. We found little evidence for this polarisation, lending credence to a rejection of social media’s “echo chamber” effect.
Using a covert approach, women can often compete with rivals (undetected) through gossip & reputation derogation; men often risk retaliation for the possible status benefits - leading to a potential increase in reproductive success
Resource accessibility and intrasexual competition: Does a lack of direct access to resources drive covert strategies? Nicole Hudson, Jessica D. Ayers, Athena Aktipis. Human Behavior and Evolution Society 31st annual meeting. Boston 2019. http://tiny.cc/aa1w6y
Abstract: Males are thought to compete directly in same-sex competition while females are thought to compete more indirectly (Campbell, 1999). By using a covert approach, women can often compete with rivals (undetected) through gossip and reputation derogation. Men, however, often risk retaliation for the possible status benefits - leading to a potential increase in reproductive success. (Campbell, 1999). Research has yet to investigate if traditional sex differences in competitive strategies are influenced by whether resources can be acquired directly or indirectly. We hypothesized that individuals will endorse covert tactics when resources can be obtained indirectly and overt tactics when resources can be obtained directly. To assess this, participants read vignettes that described a summer internship with direct access or indirect access to one post-internship job and answered questions to assess competition strategies. When this opportunity was attainable indirectly through another individual, we predicted that both men and women would use more covert tactics. On the other hand, when the opportunity was directly attainable based on individual performance, we expected both men and women to use more overt tactics. Our results could have implications for the reduction of harmful workplace behaviors and misperceptions (i.e., men confusing women’s competition tactics for mating signals).
Abstract: Males are thought to compete directly in same-sex competition while females are thought to compete more indirectly (Campbell, 1999). By using a covert approach, women can often compete with rivals (undetected) through gossip and reputation derogation. Men, however, often risk retaliation for the possible status benefits - leading to a potential increase in reproductive success. (Campbell, 1999). Research has yet to investigate if traditional sex differences in competitive strategies are influenced by whether resources can be acquired directly or indirectly. We hypothesized that individuals will endorse covert tactics when resources can be obtained indirectly and overt tactics when resources can be obtained directly. To assess this, participants read vignettes that described a summer internship with direct access or indirect access to one post-internship job and answered questions to assess competition strategies. When this opportunity was attainable indirectly through another individual, we predicted that both men and women would use more covert tactics. On the other hand, when the opportunity was directly attainable based on individual performance, we expected both men and women to use more overt tactics. Our results could have implications for the reduction of harmful workplace behaviors and misperceptions (i.e., men confusing women’s competition tactics for mating signals).
What are rules for? Fundamental motives of social rules: Rules on average were rated as being most relevant for affiliating with a group, followed by avoiding exclusion, achieving/maintaining status, and kin care
What are rules for? Fundamental motives of social rules. Jung Yul Kwon, Michael Barlev, Douglas T. Kenrick, Michael E.W. Varnum. Human Behavior and Evolution Society 31st annual meeting. Boston 2019. http://tiny.cc/aa1w6y
Abstract: What do people think social norms for? At the group level, mutually agreed upon rules or expectations of appropriate social behavior serve to solve coordination problems and maintain order in society. At the individual level, people may perceive norms to facilitate achieving desired outcomes in various life domains, which leads to increased probability of reproductive success. We examined how people construe social norms in terms of their relevance to fundamental social motives. In the first study, U.S. participants free-listed ten social rules they considered important, and then rated how relevant each rule was for achieving positive outcomes in the fundamental social motive domains. In subsequent studies, rather than generating their own rules, participants were given a well-known set of rules in society to rate. Across these studies, we consistently found that rules on average were rated as being most relevant for affiliating with a group, followed by avoiding exclusion, achieving/maintaining status, and kin care.
Abstract: What do people think social norms for? At the group level, mutually agreed upon rules or expectations of appropriate social behavior serve to solve coordination problems and maintain order in society. At the individual level, people may perceive norms to facilitate achieving desired outcomes in various life domains, which leads to increased probability of reproductive success. We examined how people construe social norms in terms of their relevance to fundamental social motives. In the first study, U.S. participants free-listed ten social rules they considered important, and then rated how relevant each rule was for achieving positive outcomes in the fundamental social motive domains. In subsequent studies, rather than generating their own rules, participants were given a well-known set of rules in society to rate. Across these studies, we consistently found that rules on average were rated as being most relevant for affiliating with a group, followed by avoiding exclusion, achieving/maintaining status, and kin care.
All of the meta-analyses do in fact point to the conclusion that, in the vast majority of settings, violent video games do increase aggressive behavior but that these effects are almost always quite small
Finding Common Ground in Meta-Analysis “Wars” on Violent Video Games. Maya B. Mathur, Tyler J. VanderWeele. Perspectives on Psychological Science, June 12, 2019. https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691619850104
Abstract: Independent meta-analyses on the same topic can sometimes yield seemingly conflicting results. For example, prominent meta-analyses assessing the effects of violent video games on aggressive behavior have reached apparently different conclusions, provoking ongoing debate. We suggest that such conflicts are sometimes partly an artifact of reporting practices for meta-analyses that focus only on the pooled point estimate and its statistical significance. Considering statistics that focus on the distributions of effect sizes and that adequately characterize effect heterogeneity can sometimes indicate reasonable consensus between “warring” meta-analyses. Using novel analyses, we show that this seems to be the case in the video-game literature. Despite seemingly conflicting results for the statistical significance of the pooled estimates in different meta-analyses of video-game studies, all of the meta-analyses do in fact point to the conclusion that, in the vast majority of settings, violent video games do increase aggressive behavior but that these effects are almost always quite small.
Keywords: meta-analysis, effect sizes, video games, aggression
Abstract: Independent meta-analyses on the same topic can sometimes yield seemingly conflicting results. For example, prominent meta-analyses assessing the effects of violent video games on aggressive behavior have reached apparently different conclusions, provoking ongoing debate. We suggest that such conflicts are sometimes partly an artifact of reporting practices for meta-analyses that focus only on the pooled point estimate and its statistical significance. Considering statistics that focus on the distributions of effect sizes and that adequately characterize effect heterogeneity can sometimes indicate reasonable consensus between “warring” meta-analyses. Using novel analyses, we show that this seems to be the case in the video-game literature. Despite seemingly conflicting results for the statistical significance of the pooled estimates in different meta-analyses of video-game studies, all of the meta-analyses do in fact point to the conclusion that, in the vast majority of settings, violent video games do increase aggressive behavior but that these effects are almost always quite small.
Keywords: meta-analysis, effect sizes, video games, aggression
Wednesday, June 12, 2019
Behavioral Patterns in Smartphone Usage Predict Big Five Personality Traits
Stachl, Clemens, Quay Au, Ramona Schoedel, Daniel Buschek, Sarah Völkel, Tobias Schuwerk, Michelle Oldemeier, et al. 2019. “Behavioral Patterns in Smartphone Usage Predict Big Five Personality Traits.” PsyArXiv. June 12. doi:10.31234/osf.io/ks4vd
Abstract: The understanding, quantification and evaluation of individual differences in behavior, feelings and thoughts have always been central topics in psychological science. An enormous amount of previous work on individual differences in behavior is exclusively based on data from self-report questionnaires. To date, little is known about how individuals actually differ in their objectively quantifiable behaviors and how differences in these behaviors relate to big five personality traits. Technological advances in mobile computer and sensing technology have now created the possiblity to automatically record large amounts of data about humans' natural behavior. The collection and analysis of these records makes it possible to analyze and quantify behavioral differences at unprecedented scale and efficiency. In this study, we analyzed behavioral data obtained from 743 participants in 30 consecutive days of smartphone sensing (25,347,089 logging-events). We computed variables (15,692) about individual behavior from five semantic categories (communication & social behavior, music listening behavior, app usage behavior, mobility, and general day- & nighttime activity). Using a machine learning approach (random forest, elastic net), we show how these variables can be used to predict self-assessments of the big five personality traits at the factor and facet level. Our results reveal distinct behavioral patterns that proved to be differentially-predictive of big five personality traits. Overall, this paper shows how a combination of rich behavioral data obtained with smartphone sensing and the use of machine learning techniques can help to advance personality research and can inform both practitioners and researchers about the different behavioral patterns of personality.
Abstract: The understanding, quantification and evaluation of individual differences in behavior, feelings and thoughts have always been central topics in psychological science. An enormous amount of previous work on individual differences in behavior is exclusively based on data from self-report questionnaires. To date, little is known about how individuals actually differ in their objectively quantifiable behaviors and how differences in these behaviors relate to big five personality traits. Technological advances in mobile computer and sensing technology have now created the possiblity to automatically record large amounts of data about humans' natural behavior. The collection and analysis of these records makes it possible to analyze and quantify behavioral differences at unprecedented scale and efficiency. In this study, we analyzed behavioral data obtained from 743 participants in 30 consecutive days of smartphone sensing (25,347,089 logging-events). We computed variables (15,692) about individual behavior from five semantic categories (communication & social behavior, music listening behavior, app usage behavior, mobility, and general day- & nighttime activity). Using a machine learning approach (random forest, elastic net), we show how these variables can be used to predict self-assessments of the big five personality traits at the factor and facet level. Our results reveal distinct behavioral patterns that proved to be differentially-predictive of big five personality traits. Overall, this paper shows how a combination of rich behavioral data obtained with smartphone sensing and the use of machine learning techniques can help to advance personality research and can inform both practitioners and researchers about the different behavioral patterns of personality.
Evidence that a specialized bluff detection mechanism exists, which is dissociable from cheater-detection and is only triggered by conditional costs deriving from a social agent
Do humans have cognitive adaptations for reasoning about threat? Evidence from the Wason selection task. Aaron Daniel Lenihan. Human Behavior and Evolution Society 31st annual meeting. Boston 2019. http://tiny.cc/aa1w6y
Abstract: Rational choice theory says people think about and respond to future costs and benefits using a single optimization algorithm. However, cost-benefit optimization is illsuited for situations where future costs and benefits are the conditional promises of other social agents. In these situations, one must not only weigh the promised costs and benefits, but also assess their sincerity. This task poses unique computational problems, requiring unique cognitive solutions. Interestingly, the problems and solutions are different depending on whether the conditional promise is a benefit (social exchange) or a cost (threat). Heeding conditionally promised benefits makes one vulnerable to cheating. This problem is solved by cognitive adaptations that detect cheaters. Heeding conditionally promised costs makes one vulnerable to bluffs. This problem should have selected for cognitive adaptations to detect bluffs. To test for the existence of a hypothesized bluff detection mechanism, I conducted an experiment using the Wason selection task to compare people’s ability to infer conditional rule violations for rules framed as threats with rules framed as social exchanges and natural hazards. Experimental results provide evidence that a specialized bluff detection mechanism exists, which is dissociable from cheater-detection and is only triggered by conditional costs deriving from a social agent.
Abstract: Rational choice theory says people think about and respond to future costs and benefits using a single optimization algorithm. However, cost-benefit optimization is illsuited for situations where future costs and benefits are the conditional promises of other social agents. In these situations, one must not only weigh the promised costs and benefits, but also assess their sincerity. This task poses unique computational problems, requiring unique cognitive solutions. Interestingly, the problems and solutions are different depending on whether the conditional promise is a benefit (social exchange) or a cost (threat). Heeding conditionally promised benefits makes one vulnerable to cheating. This problem is solved by cognitive adaptations that detect cheaters. Heeding conditionally promised costs makes one vulnerable to bluffs. This problem should have selected for cognitive adaptations to detect bluffs. To test for the existence of a hypothesized bluff detection mechanism, I conducted an experiment using the Wason selection task to compare people’s ability to infer conditional rule violations for rules framed as threats with rules framed as social exchanges and natural hazards. Experimental results provide evidence that a specialized bluff detection mechanism exists, which is dissociable from cheater-detection and is only triggered by conditional costs deriving from a social agent.
Lonely hearts and angry minds: Online dating rejection increases male (but not female) hostility
Lonely hearts and angry minds: Online dating rejection increases male (but not female) hostility. Luca Andrighetto, Paolo Riva, Alessandro Gabbiadini. Aggressive Behavior, June 11 2019. https://doi.org/10.1002/ab.21852
Abstract: The present work explores the hostile tendencies elicited by romantic rejection in the increasingly common context of online dating. To empirically investigate this issue, we created an ad hoc online dating platform in which fictitious online dating partners romantically rejected heterosexual male and female participants. Results revealed that male—but not female—participants who were rejected by desired dating partners displayed increased hostility. This pattern of findings was consistent across different measures, which considered both aggressive tendencies against the rejecting partners and hostile attitudes against the opposite gender. Further, increased feelings of anger explained the relationship between online romantic rejection and increased male hostility.
Our work and its findings have both theoretical and methodological implications for the understanding of interpersonal processes in online interactions and the growing body of literature on online dating.
Abstract: The present work explores the hostile tendencies elicited by romantic rejection in the increasingly common context of online dating. To empirically investigate this issue, we created an ad hoc online dating platform in which fictitious online dating partners romantically rejected heterosexual male and female participants. Results revealed that male—but not female—participants who were rejected by desired dating partners displayed increased hostility. This pattern of findings was consistent across different measures, which considered both aggressive tendencies against the rejecting partners and hostile attitudes against the opposite gender. Further, increased feelings of anger explained the relationship between online romantic rejection and increased male hostility.
Our work and its findings have both theoretical and methodological implications for the understanding of interpersonal processes in online interactions and the growing body of literature on online dating.
Many animal species demonstrate a capacity for basic prospection of immediate outcomes; humans can deliberately shape their environment & future capacities; prospection is resource intensive, error prone & entails costs to wellbeing
Prospection and natural selection. T Suddendorf, A Bulley, B Miloyan. Current Opinion in Behavioral Sciences, Volume 24, December 2018, Pages 26-31. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cobeha.2018.01.019
Highlights
• Prospection, or thinking about the future, has strong adaptive significance.
• Many animal species demonstrate a capacity for basic prospection of immediate outcomes.
• Complex prospection in humans can involve comparison of multiple and remote future possibilities.
• Humans can deliberately shape their environment and their own future capacities.
• Yet, prospection is resource intensive, error prone and entails costs to wellbeing.
Abstract: Prospection refers to thinking about the future, a capacity that has become the subject of increasing research in recent years. Here we first distinguish basic prospection, such as associative learning, from more complex prospection commonly observed in humans, such as episodic foresight, the ability to imagine diverse future situations and organize current actions accordingly. We review recent studies on complex prospection in various contexts, such as decision-making, planning, deliberate practice, information gathering, and social coordination. Prospection appears to play many important roles in human survival and reproduction. Foreseeing threats and opportunities before they arise, for instance, drives attempts at avoiding future harm and obtaining future benefits, and recognizing the future utility of a solution turns it into an innovation, motivating refinement and dissemination. Although we do not know about the original contexts in which complex prospection evolved, it is increasingly clear through research on the emergence of these capacities in childhood and on related disorders in various clinical conditions, that limitations in prospection can have profound functional consequences.
Highlights
• Prospection, or thinking about the future, has strong adaptive significance.
• Many animal species demonstrate a capacity for basic prospection of immediate outcomes.
• Complex prospection in humans can involve comparison of multiple and remote future possibilities.
• Humans can deliberately shape their environment and their own future capacities.
• Yet, prospection is resource intensive, error prone and entails costs to wellbeing.
Abstract: Prospection refers to thinking about the future, a capacity that has become the subject of increasing research in recent years. Here we first distinguish basic prospection, such as associative learning, from more complex prospection commonly observed in humans, such as episodic foresight, the ability to imagine diverse future situations and organize current actions accordingly. We review recent studies on complex prospection in various contexts, such as decision-making, planning, deliberate practice, information gathering, and social coordination. Prospection appears to play many important roles in human survival and reproduction. Foreseeing threats and opportunities before they arise, for instance, drives attempts at avoiding future harm and obtaining future benefits, and recognizing the future utility of a solution turns it into an innovation, motivating refinement and dissemination. Although we do not know about the original contexts in which complex prospection evolved, it is increasingly clear through research on the emergence of these capacities in childhood and on related disorders in various clinical conditions, that limitations in prospection can have profound functional consequences.
Social & Reproductive Success in the US: Results show that education & intelligence had negative relationships with number of children across birth cohorts during most or all of the 20th century; family income has only minor effects
Social and Reproductive Success in the United States: The Roles of Income, Education and Cognition. Gerhard Meisenberg. Mankind Quarterly, Volume 59, No. 3, Mar 2019. http://www.mankindquarterly.org/archive/issue/59-3/5
Abstract: Although the relationship between social dominance status and reproductive success is universally positive in those species in which the relationship has been studied, in human societies today the relationship is more often negative. The present study uses detailed information from the General Social Survey in the United States to address this apparent paradox. Results show that education and intelligence had negative relationships with number of children across birth cohorts during most or all of the 20th century. Family income has only minor effects, especially when marital fertility rather than total cohort fertility is considered. The results do not support sociobiological predictions that modern humans turn material resources into reproductive success. Religion, ideology and income are identified as factors that influence the relationship between intelligence and fertility. Results are discussed in the broader context of emerging knowledge in demographics and molecular genetics, especially with respect to the direction of biological and cultural evolution in the modern United States and in modern societies more generally.
Abstract: Although the relationship between social dominance status and reproductive success is universally positive in those species in which the relationship has been studied, in human societies today the relationship is more often negative. The present study uses detailed information from the General Social Survey in the United States to address this apparent paradox. Results show that education and intelligence had negative relationships with number of children across birth cohorts during most or all of the 20th century. Family income has only minor effects, especially when marital fertility rather than total cohort fertility is considered. The results do not support sociobiological predictions that modern humans turn material resources into reproductive success. Religion, ideology and income are identified as factors that influence the relationship between intelligence and fertility. Results are discussed in the broader context of emerging knowledge in demographics and molecular genetics, especially with respect to the direction of biological and cultural evolution in the modern United States and in modern societies more generally.
Tuesday, June 11, 2019
Same-sex competitors’ attractiveness influenced women’s, but not men’s, attitudes concerning benevolent sexism & traditional family values; competitors’ income affected men’s attitudes towards wealth redistribution
Can mating market competition shift socio-political attitudes? An experimental test. Francesca Romana Luberti, Khandis R. Blake, Robert C. Brooks. Human Behavior and Evolution Society 31st annual meeting. Boston 2019. http://tiny.cc/aa1w6y
Abstract: Socio-political attitudes, such as preferring progressive or conservative social norms, markedly vary among individuals. Here we investigated whether these attitudes are influenced by the characteristics of the mating market one is engaged in. In two studies, we manipulated the attractiveness or income of same-sex competitors in an individual’s local mating market. In Study 1, a between-subjects design randomly allocated single participants (N = 151 women and 229 men) to experimental conditions where the same-sex peers in their local county were attractive, average-looking, or unattractive, or to a control group. In Study 2, a between-subjects design randomly allocated single participants (N = 173 women and 234 men) to experimental conditions where the same-sex peers in their local county had high incomes, average incomes, or low incomes, or again to a control group. Results showed that same-sex competitors’ attractiveness influenced women’s, but not men’s, attitudes concerning benevolent sexism and traditional family values. Same-sex competitors’ income affected both men’s attitudes towards wealth redistribution, and women’s attitudes towards traditional family values. We interpret these results in light of the costs and benefits of holding specific socio-political attitudes given the degree of romantic competition in the local mating market.
Abstract: Socio-political attitudes, such as preferring progressive or conservative social norms, markedly vary among individuals. Here we investigated whether these attitudes are influenced by the characteristics of the mating market one is engaged in. In two studies, we manipulated the attractiveness or income of same-sex competitors in an individual’s local mating market. In Study 1, a between-subjects design randomly allocated single participants (N = 151 women and 229 men) to experimental conditions where the same-sex peers in their local county were attractive, average-looking, or unattractive, or to a control group. In Study 2, a between-subjects design randomly allocated single participants (N = 173 women and 234 men) to experimental conditions where the same-sex peers in their local county had high incomes, average incomes, or low incomes, or again to a control group. Results showed that same-sex competitors’ attractiveness influenced women’s, but not men’s, attitudes concerning benevolent sexism and traditional family values. Same-sex competitors’ income affected both men’s attitudes towards wealth redistribution, and women’s attitudes towards traditional family values. We interpret these results in light of the costs and benefits of holding specific socio-political attitudes given the degree of romantic competition in the local mating market.
The evolution of innovation and economic complexity: Four-factor model of intelligence, adolescent fertility, population density, and atmospheric cold
The evolution of innovation and economic complexity. Severi Luoto. Human Behavior and Evolution Society 31st annual meeting. Boston 2019. http://tiny.cc/aa1w6y
Abstract: Evolution causes biological diversity through adaptation to environmental conditions. With a dataset comprising 122 nations, I explored ecological and demographic predictors of global variation in innovation and economic complexity. The results show that economic complexity is higher in countries with colder winters (r = .58, p < .00001), an effect mediated almost completely by intelligence. Economic complexity is constrained by population-level adolescent fertility rates (r = −.75, p < .00001), showing a tradeoff between early reproduction and investment into economic development and innovation. Population density is another demographic variable that significantly predicts global variation in economic complexity (r = .27, p < .003). A four-factor model of intelligence, adolescent fertility, population density, and atmospheric cold demands predicts 64% of global variation in economic complexity in 1995 and 72% of the variation in 2016. With the exception of adolescent fertility rate, these results remain robust even after controlling for per capita GDP, population size, and trade distance from Europe. This research sheds light on the ways in which evolutionary processes shape human adaptation to local environments. The results indicate that these adaptive processes occur both at the level of psychological traits (intelligence, innovative capacity) and realised behaviours, indexed by global variation in reproductive timing, innovation, and economic complexity.
Check also Response to Commentaries: Life History Genetics, Fluid Intelligence, and Extended Phenotypes. S Luoto. Adaptive Human Behavior and Physiology, March 2019, Volume 5, Issue 1, pp 112–115. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40750-018-0103-6
and An Updated Theoretical Framework for Human Sexual Selection: from Ecology, Genetics, and Life History to Extended Phenotypes. Severi Luoto. Adaptive Human Behavior and Physiology, https://www.bipartisanalliance.com/2018/12/sexual-selection-typically-centers-on.html
Abstract: Evolution causes biological diversity through adaptation to environmental conditions. With a dataset comprising 122 nations, I explored ecological and demographic predictors of global variation in innovation and economic complexity. The results show that economic complexity is higher in countries with colder winters (r = .58, p < .00001), an effect mediated almost completely by intelligence. Economic complexity is constrained by population-level adolescent fertility rates (r = −.75, p < .00001), showing a tradeoff between early reproduction and investment into economic development and innovation. Population density is another demographic variable that significantly predicts global variation in economic complexity (r = .27, p < .003). A four-factor model of intelligence, adolescent fertility, population density, and atmospheric cold demands predicts 64% of global variation in economic complexity in 1995 and 72% of the variation in 2016. With the exception of adolescent fertility rate, these results remain robust even after controlling for per capita GDP, population size, and trade distance from Europe. This research sheds light on the ways in which evolutionary processes shape human adaptation to local environments. The results indicate that these adaptive processes occur both at the level of psychological traits (intelligence, innovative capacity) and realised behaviours, indexed by global variation in reproductive timing, innovation, and economic complexity.
Check also Response to Commentaries: Life History Genetics, Fluid Intelligence, and Extended Phenotypes. S Luoto. Adaptive Human Behavior and Physiology, March 2019, Volume 5, Issue 1, pp 112–115. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40750-018-0103-6
and An Updated Theoretical Framework for Human Sexual Selection: from Ecology, Genetics, and Life History to Extended Phenotypes. Severi Luoto. Adaptive Human Behavior and Physiology, https://www.bipartisanalliance.com/2018/12/sexual-selection-typically-centers-on.html
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